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EASTBURN 
NARRATIVE 


Of  this  edition,  two  hundred  and 
sixty-seven  copies  have  been  printed, 
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ffo 


NARRATIVES   OF  CAPTIVITIES 


THE  DANGERS  AND  SUFFERINGS  OF 
ROBERT  EASTBURN,  AND  HIS 
DELIVERANCE  FROM  IN 
DIAN  CAPTIVITY 


REPRINTED   FROM  THE  ORIGINAL  EDITION  OF  1758 
WITH   INTRODUCTION   AND   NOTES  BY 


JOHN  R.  SPEARS 


CLEVELAND 

THE  BURROWS  BROTHERS  COMPANY 
1904 


COPYRIGHT,  1904 

BY 
THE  BURROWS  BROTHERS  COMPANY 


CONTENTS 

PAGE 

INTRODUCTION 7 

EASTBURN  NARRATIVE         .        .        .        .21 
Title-page  (facsimile)          .          .          .          .23 

Preface 25 

7b  *^  Reader 27 

A  Faithful  Narrative,  &c.         .         .         .29 
INDEX          .  73 


INTRODUCTION 

ROBERT  EASTBURN,  whose  Faithful Nar 
rative  is  one  of  the  valuable,  because  one 
of  the  undoubted,  original  authorities 
relating  to  the  war  that  destroyed  the  French 
power  in  North  America,  was  captured  by  a 
force  of  French  soldiers  and  Indians  on  a  wagon 
road  that  crossed  the  divide  between  the  Mo 
hawk  River  and  Wood  Creek,  just  north  of  the 
modern  city  of  Rome,  New  York.  He  was 
carried  thence  to  Canada,  where  he  was  adopted 
into  an  Indian  family,  and  where  he  remained, 
part  of  the  time  with  the  Indians,  and  a  part 
with  the  French,  for  something  less  than  two 
years. 

It  will  add  to  the  interest  of  the  narration  of 
his  experiences  to  know  that  Eastburn  was  born 
in  England  in  1710  (see  Memoirs  of  the  Rev. 
Joseph  Eastburn))  but  was  brought  to  America  by 
his  parents  when  he  was  four  years  old.  There 
after  his  home  was  in  Philadelphia.  His 
parents  were  Quakers,  but  in  1739,  Robert  was 
won  over  to  the  Presbyterians  by  the  preaching 


INTRODUCTION 


of  George  Whitefield,*  and  when  Whitefield 
organized  a  congregation,  Robert  became  one  of 
its  deacons. 

To  those  who  are  acquainted  with  the  history 
of  the  American  frontier  during  the  eighteenth 
century,  the  fact  that  Eastburn  was  a  Christian 
is  of  peculiar  interest.  For  when  captured  by 
the  French  invaders  he  was  one  of  a  party  of 
men  who  were  on  their  way  to  the  frontier  post 
of  Oswego  to  engage  in  the  Indian  trade ;  and 
no  men,  as  a  class,  have  been  so  utterly  degraded 
and  deeply  cursed  by  their  trade  as  those  who 
have  dealt  with  the  aboriginal  inhabitants  of 
the  earth.  With  them  a  thought  of  fair  dealing 

*  Franklin,  in  his  autobiogi  aphy ,  says  of  Whitefield :  "  In  1 739 
arrived  among  us  from  Ireland  the  Reverend  Mr.  Whitefield, 
who  had  made  himself  remarkable  there  as  an  itinerant 
preacher.  He  was  at  first  permitted  to  preach  in  some  of  our 
churches;  but  the  clergy,  taking  a  dislike  to  him,  soon  refused 
him  their  pulpits,  and  he  was  obliged  to  preach  in  the  fields. 
The  multitudes  of  all  sects  and  denominations  that  attended  his 
sermons  were  enormous,  and  it  was  matter  of  speculation  to 
me,  who  was  one  of  the  number,  to  observe  the  extraordinary 
influence  of  his  oratory  on  his  hearers,  .  .  notwithstanding 
his  common  abuse  of  them,  by  assuring  them  they  were  natu 
rally  half  beasts  and  half  devils.  It  was  wonderful  to  see 
the  change  soon  made  in  the  manners  of  our  inhabitants. 
From  being  thoughtless  or  indifferent  about  religion,  it  seemed 
as  if  all  the  world  were  growing  religious. ' '  Under  White- 
field's  influence  a  church  one  hundred  feet  long  by  seventy 
feet  broad  was  erected  and  paid  for  before  dedication.  It 
was  "  vested  in  trustees,  expressly  for  the  use  of  any  preacher 
of  any  religious  persuasion  who  might  desire  to  say  something 
to  the  people  of  Philadelphia." 


INTRODUCTION 


was  an  evidence  of  weakness;  the  ability  to 
overreach  the  savage  was  their  constant  boast. 

Nevertheless,  because  some  were  strictly 
honest,  according  to  their  light  (Quakers  and 
Moravians  traded  with  the  Indians),  and  because 
as  a  class  the  traders  were  most  energetic, 
enterprising,  and  courageous,  it  seems  likely 
that  the  story  of  their  work  and  adventures 
should  make  the  most  interesting  of  the  chap 
ters  of  the  American  annals  that  have  not  yet 
been  written. 

Thus,  it  was  the  work  of  the  Indian  traders 
chiefly  —  their  anxiety  to  preserve  and  extend 
the  fur- trade  —  that  caused  all  the  long  series 
of  French  and  Indian  raids  on  the  British- 
American  frontier  during  the  period  so  graph 
ically  described  by  Parkman  in  his  Half  Century 
of  Conflict.  And  the  first  stroke  delivered  on 
the  American  continent,  in  what  is  known  as 
the  "Seven  Years'  War"  —  the  war  during 
which  Eastburn  was  captured  —  was  struck  by 
Charles  Langlade,  a  French  trader,  with  a  party 
of  Ottawas  and  Ojibways,  who  attacked  the 
American  traders  and  the  Indians  who  were 
gathered  at  Pickawillany  (near  the  modern 
Piqua,  Ohio),  June  21,  1752. 

To  show  the  courage  and  enterprise  of  Robert 
Eastburn  as  a  trader,  it  is  necessary  to  go  over 
the  events  that,  in  America,  preceded  and  led 
to  the  Seven  Years'  War. 


10  INTRODUCTION 

Under  the  treaty  of  Utrecht  (April  1 1 ,  1713), 
and  that  of  Aix-la-Chapelle  (October  7,  1748), 
the  British  had  the  right  to  trade  with  the 
Indians  of  the  interior  of  North  America,  regard 
less  of  the  claims  of  France  to  that  territory. 
That  every  British  trader  would  have  made 
haste  to  exchange  a  pint  of  rum,  or  six  cents' 
worth  of  red  paint,  for  a  beaver-skin  at  every 
opportunity,  regardless  of  treaties,  may  be 
admitted;  but  the  fact  is  they  had  the  legal 
right  to  do  it. 

In  pursuit  of  the  profits  thus  to  be  obtained, 
the  traders  —  particularly  those  of  Philadel 
phia —  thronged  through  the  passes  of  the 
Alleghanies,  after  the  treaty  of  Aix-la-Chapelle. 
In  1749,  it  is  said  (Parkman)  that  three  hundred 
of  them  led  their  packhorses  into  the  wilds  of 
the  Mississippi  Valley.  Governor  Dinwiddie, 
of  Virginia,  said  of  them  that  "  they  appear  to 
be  in  general  a  set  of  abandoned  wretches," 
and  Governor  Hamilton,  of  Pennsylvania,  con 
curred  in  that  opinion.  But  whatever  their 
morals  they  fearlessly  threaded  the  forests  of 
the  region  beyond  the  mountains,  met  and 
fought  the  rival  traders  of  the  north,  went  to 
the  Indian  villages  wherever  to  be  found,  and 
in  time  established  a  station  on  San  dusky  Bay, 
although  the  French  had  a  station  at  Detroit 
and  another  on  the  Maumee  River,  in  northern 
Ohio. 


INTRODUCTION  11 

Commandant  Raymond,  in  charge  of  the 
French  post  on  the  Mattmee,  wrote,  at  about 
this  time : 

"  All  the  tribes  who  go  to  the  English  at 
Pickawillany  come  back  loaded  with  gifts.  .  . 
If  the  English  stay  in  this  country  we  are  lost. 
We  must  attack  and  drive  them  out." 

The  Indians  that  had  settled  around  Detroit 
were  invited  to  make  the  attack,  but  they  were 
found  to  be  '  *  touched  with  disaffection ; ' '  and 
it  was  then  that  Charles  Langlade  came  from 
the  upper  lakes  and  destroyed  Pickawillany. 

In  the  meantime  the  French  had  taken  a 
formal  "renewal  of  possession"  of  the  Ohio 
country  by  sending  C61oron  de  Bienville  to 
bury  certain  lead  plates  in  the  Ohio  watershed, 
and  to  nail  tin  plates,  on  which  the  French 
royal  coat  of  arms  had  been  painted,  to  a  number 
of  trees  —  all  of  which  acts  were  duly  attested 
by  a  notary  public  carried  along  for  the  purpose. 
The  attack  upon  Pickawillany  having  proved  as 
futile  as  the  expedition  of  C£loron  —  though  an 
Indian  chief  called  "  Old  Britain"  was  boiled 
and  eaten  by  Langlade 's  Indians  —  measures 
that  were  to  prove  strikingly  effective  for  a 
time,  were  adopted  by  the  French. 

An  expedition  was  sent  by  way  of  Erie,  Penn 
sylvania,  to  the  headwaters  of  the  Alleghany 
River,  where  a  post  was  established  (1752),  and 
named  Le  Boeuf.  It  stood  where  Waterford, 


12  INTRODUCTION 

Pennsylvania,  is  now  found.  In  the  spring  of 
1753,  they  moved  forward  to  the  site  of  the 
modern  Venango,  and  there  prepared  to  descend 
to  the  junction  of  the  Alleghany  and  Mononga- 
hela  in  the  year  after  that. 

It  was  now  that  Governor  Dinwiddie,  alarmed 
at  what  he  deemed  an  invasion  of  Virginia,  and 
at  the  prospect  of  a  transfer  of  the  horrors  of 
the  French  and  Indian  border  warfare  from  the 
frontier  of  New  England  to  the  borders  of  his 
own  colony,  sent  the  youthful  George  Washing 
ton  to  make  a  formal  demand  that  the  French 
leave.  Legardeur  de  St.  Pierre,  commanding 
the  French,  replied,  "  I  do  not  think  myself 
obliged  to  obey." 

Accordingly  Dinwiddie  raised  three  hundred 
' '  raw  recruits, ' '  and  sent  them  to  occupy  the 
favorable  site  for  a  fort  that  Washington  had 
seen,  meantime,  at  the  forks  of  the  Ohio. 
William  Trent,  a  trader,  and  a  gang  of  back 
woodsmen  went  with  them,  and  on  an  unnamed 
day  in  April,  1754,  these  backwoodsmen  began 
building  a  fort  where  Pittsburg  now  stands. 

Their  work  was  apparently  in  vain.  On  April 
1 7th,  five  hundred  Frenchmen,  with  eighteen 
cannon,  came  down  the  Alleghany  River,  under 
Captain  Claude  Pecaudy  de  Contrecceur,  and 
drove  them  away. 

Washington's  attack  on  the  French  force 
under  Ensign  Coulon  de  Jumonville  (May  28, 


INTRODUCTION  13 


1754)  followed,  and  that  is  usually  called  the 
beginning,  in  America,  of  the  Seven  Years' 
War.  Then  by  finesse,  rather  than  by  force  of 
arms,  the  French,  under  Coulon  de  Villiers, 
drove  Washington  from  Fort  Necessity  (July  4, 
17SS)-  Though  as  yet  not  formally  declared, 
the  great  war  was  well  on. 

In  the  meantime  (on  February  20,  of  this 
year),  the  4<  trusty  and  well-beloved  Edward 
Braddock,"  with  two  regiments  of  British 
soldiers,  arrived  at  Hampton,  Virginia.  An 
intercolonial  conference  was  held  at  Alexandria, 
beginning  on  April  14,  to  consider  measures  for 
the  prosecution  of  the  war,  at  which  Governor 
William  Shirley,  whom  Eastburn  mentions,  was 
present. 

The  plans  made  here  included  attacks  on  Aca- 
dia,  Crown  Point,  Niagara,  and  Fort  Duquesne, 
as  the  post  at  the  forks  of  the  Ohio  was  called. 
Shirley  "  and  Dinwiddie  stood  in  the  front  of  the 
opposition  to  French  designs;"  to  Shirley  was 
assigned  the  work  of  capturing  Niagara,  and  he 
was  placed  next  in  rank  to  Braddock,  in  the 
command  of  the  British  forces  in  America. 
Braddock  himself  undertook  the  task  of  march 
ing  through  the  wilderness  to  Fort  Duquesne. 

How  Braddock,  with  1,373  picked  men,  reached 
Turtle  Creek,  eight  miles  from  Fort  Duquesne, 
on  July  7,  crossed  the  Monongahela  on  the  ninth, 
and  was  overwhelmed  by  an  inferior  force  of 


14  INTRODUCTION 

French  and  Indians  on  the  site  of  the  modern 
village  of  Braddock,  Pennsylvania,  a  little  later, 
need  not  be  told  here  in  detail.  The  important 
fact  is  that  the  French  triumph  was  complete 
and  seemingly  decisive.  They  not  only  held 
control  of  the  fort  at  the  forks,  but  through  the 
shameful  retreat  of  the  British  to  Philadelphia, 
the  French  were  left  in  undisputed  control  of 
the  passes  of  the  Alleghanies. 

That  the  British  confirmed  their  control  of 
Acadia,  in  this  season,  by  expelling  certain 
French  families  from  the  territory;  and  that 
the  forces  under  William  Johnson  checked  the 
French  under  Baron  Dieskau  at  Lake  George, 
afforded  the  people  of  Pennsylvania  and  Virginia 
no  consolation.  For  the  evil  that  Governor 
Dinwiddie  had  foreseen  was  upon  them.  The 
horrors  of  the  French  and  Indian  wars  that,  for 
half  a  century,  had  desolated  the  frontiers  of 
New  England,  now  loomed  over  the  Alleghanies. 

"  If  you  consider  it  necessary  to  make  the 
Indians  to  act  offensively  against  the  English, 
his  Majesty  will  approve  of  your  using  that 
expedient,"  said  a  letter  dated  September  6, 
1754,  from  the  French  colonial  minister  to 
Governor  Duquesne,  of  Canada.  Duquesne 
thought  that  expedient  necessary.  Captain  Du 
mas  succeeded  Contrecceur  in  the  command  of 
Fort  Duquesne,  and  on  July  24,  1756,  wrote  to 
the  minister,  saying: 


INTRODUCTION  15 

"  M.  de  Contrecoeur  had  not  been  gone  a  week 
before  I  had  six  or  seven  different  war  parties 
in  the  field  at  once,  always  accompanied  by 
Frenchmen.  I  have  succeeded  in  ruining  the 
three  adjacent  provinces,  Pennsylvania,  Mary 
land,  and  Virginia,  driving  off  the  inhabitants 
and  totally  destroying  the  settlements  over  a 
tract  of  country  thirty  leagues  wide,  reckoning 
from  the  line  of  Fort  Cumberland." 

And  the  Rev.  Claude  Godfroy  Coquard,  S.J., 
in  a  letter  to  his  brother,  said  in  reference  to 
the  work  of  these  war  parties  (N.  Y.  Col.  MSS., 
vol.  x.,  p.  528): 

"  The  Indians  do  not  make  any  prisoners; 
they  kill  all  they  meet,  men,  women,  and  chil 
dren.  Every  day  they  have  some  in  their 
kettle,  and  after  having  abused  the  women  and 
maidens,  they  slaughter  or  burn  them." 

On  one  occasion  a  band  of  these  Indians 
swooped  down  to  within  sixty  miles  of  Phila 
delphia.  A  company  of  the  harassed  settlers, 
in  their  desperation,  came  in  from  the  frontier, 
bringing  with  them  the  mutilated  bodies  of 
murdered  friends  and  relatives,  which  they 
displayed  at  the  doors  of  the  Assembly  chamber, 
while  they  bitterly  cursed  the  opponents  of  an 
active  war  against  the  savage  intruders. 

It  was  in  the  midst  of  the  red  aggressions  of 
the  war  parties  sent  out  by  Dumas  that  Robert 
Eastburn,  a  deacon  in  the  First  Presbyterian 


16  INTRODUCTION 


Church  of  Philadelphia,  left  home  with  a  party 
of  traders  (among  them  being  his  own  son,  a 
lad  seventeen  years  old),  and  traveled  away  into 
the  wilderness,  bound  to  Oswego,  the  most 
advanced  post  of  the  American  frontier  —  the 
one  nearest  to  the  triumphant  French  —  to 
engage  in  the  fur-trade  with  such  Indians  as  he 
might  find  in  that  region.  And  he  did  that, 
too,  when  he  knew  that  Oswego  would  be  in 
imminent  danger  of  attack  while  he  was  there, 
and  that  there  was  no  small  probability  that  his 
party  would  be  intercepted  while  he  was  on  the 
way,  as,  indeed,  actually  happened. 

Robert  Eastburn  was,  in  fact,  one  of  the 
many  heroes  of  commerce,  now  well-nigh  for 
gotten.  It  was  characteristic  of  such  a  man  to 
take  his  gun  and  join  the  soldiers,  when  a  squad 
was  sent  out  to  hunt  the  enemy.  And  no  one 
is  surprised  to  learn  that  he  was  cool  enough  to 
bring  down  two  at  one  shot,  when  the  enemy 
were  found. 

The  story  of  the  fight  in  which  Eastburn  was 
captured  is  told,  with  some  variations  in  the 
statements  of  facts,  in  volume  x.  of  the  New 
York  Colonial  Manuscripts.  The  account  most 
nearly  accurate  is  that  in  Journal  of  Occurances 
in  Canada  from  October,  //55,  to  June,  1756. 
Parkman  has  the  most  interesting  modern 
account  in  his  Montcalm  and  Wolfe. 

At  the  opening  of  the  campaign  of  1756,  the 


INTRODUCTION  17 

French  held  Ticonderoga,  as  well  as  Fort  Du- 
quesne,  and  all  the  borders  of  the  Great  Lakes, 
except  the  one  post  of  Oswego.  While  yet  the 
snow  lay  deep  upon  the  ground  in  the  northern 
part  of  New  York,  they  learned  from  the  Indians 
of  the  Iroquois  tribes,  who  were  more  or  less 
friendly  to  them,  that  the  English  contemplated 
sending  an  expedition,  by  way  of  Oswego  and 
Lake  Ontario,  to  attack  Niagara,  while  another 
expedition  would  try  to  reduce  Ticonderoga  and 
Crown  Point.  The  Indians  also  told  the  French 
that  in  pursuance  of  the  English  intention  to 
attack  Niagara,  immense  quantities  of  provi 
sions  had  been  sent  forward  toward  Oswego, 
while  the  winter  roads  were  good,  and  that 
many  of  these  supplies  were  piled  up  in  the 
storehouses  at  the  carrying-place  between  the 
Mohawk  and  Wood  Creek. 

Accordingly  Vaudreuil,  who  had  meantime 
become  governor  of  Canada,  not  only  did  what  he 
could  to  strengthen  Ticonderoga  and  Niagara, 
but  he  planned  a  counter- stroke  for  the  destruc 
tion  of  the  forts  and  stores  at  the  Mohawk- 
Wood  Creek  carry  ing- place.  He  also  planned 
an  attack  on  Oswego,  but  that  was  to  come  later. 

To  raid  the  carry  ing- place,  Vaudreuil  sent 
Joseph  Chaussegros  de  Le*ry,  a  distinguished 
Canadian  officer  (Vaudreuil  was  partial  to  the 
Canadian  officers),  with  three  hundred  and 
sixty-two  picked  men  —  soldiers,  rangers,  and 


18  INTRODUCTION 


Indians  —  from  Montreal  to  the  mission  of 
Oswegatchie  (now  Ogdensburg),  and  thence  by 
trails  through  the  woods  to  the  head  of  the 
Mohawk  Valley.  After  great  hardships,  due  to 
a  lack  of  provisions  and  the  rigor  of  the  weather 
(March  is  a  harsh  month  in  the  Adirondack 
region),  this  force  arrived  on  the  road  leading 
from  Fort  William,  at  the  head  of  navigation 
on  the  Mohawk,  to  Fort  Bull,  at  the  head  of 
navigation  on  Wood  Creek,  at  5  130  o'clock  on 
the  morning  of  March  26,  1756.  As  it  happened, 
they  found  there  a  party  of  twelve  teamsters, 
including  an  unnamed  negro,  who  were  on  their 
way  with  provisions  and  traders'  goods  to  Fort 
Bull.  These  they  attacked,  and  killed  or  cap 
tured  all  the  party  except  the  negro. 

The  negro  escaped  to  Fort  William  and  gave 
the  alarm.  The  French,  on  questioning  their 
prisoners,  under  threat  of  torture,  learned  that 
only  a  small  garrison  —  thirty  men  —  held  Fort 
Bull,  and  De  Lery  determined  to  attack  it. 
Nearly  all  the  Indians  in  the  party  objected  to 
this  attack,  being  well  satisfied  with  the  plunder 
obtained  from  the  teamsters,  but  De  Le"ry,  with 
a  little  brandy  to  rouse  their  courage,  persuaded 
a  dozen  of  them  to  go  with  him,  and  the  rest  of 
them  to  guard  the  road  from  Fort  William,  and 
then  he  marched  to  the  attack. 

As  De  L6ry  approached  Fort  Bull,  some  of 
the  Indians  whooped,  and  thus  gave  the  alarm 


INTRODUCTION  11) 

to  the  garrison,  who  closed  their  gate  in  time 
to  shut  out  the  French,  but  the  French,  by  .» 
dash  forward,  were  able  to  secure  positions  at 
all  the  loopholes  and  prevent  the  garrison  using 
them.  De  Le*ry  then  called  on  the  garrison  to 
surrender,  but  in  spite  of  the  advantages  the 
French  had  secured,  and  in  spite  of  inferior 
numbers,  the  heroic  band  replied  with  muskets 
and  hand  grenades. 

The  fight  lasted  for  an  hour.  At  the  end  of 
that  time  the  French  succeeded  in  chopping 
down  the  gate,  and  as  it  fell,  they  rushed  in  and 
massacred  every  person  they  could  find.  Two 
or  three  escaped  death  by  hiding.  The  stores 
were  destroyed  and  the  fort  was  burned. 

In  the  meantime  Captain  Williams,  command 
ing  at  Fort  William,  had  sent  out  a  scouting 
party.  Behind  this  party  marched  Deacon  East- 
burn,  bearing  a  musket  that  had  been  carefully 
loaded  and  primed.  And  what  the  result  of 
that  movement  was,  Eastburn  shall  tell  for 
himself.  JOHN  R.  SPEARS 


EASTBURN     NARRATIVE 

PHILADELPHIA:  WILLIAM  DUNLAP,  1758 


Title-page  and  text  reprinted  from  a  copy  of  the 
original  edition  in  the  Library  of  Con 
gress,  Washington,  D.  C. 


A    FAITHFUL 

NARRATIVE, 


O  F 


many  Dangers  and  Sufferings^  as  well  as 
wonderful  Deliverances  of  ROBERT  EAST- 
BURN,  during  his  late  Captivity  among  the 
INDIANS:  Together  with  ibme  Remarks 
upon  the  Country  of  CANADA,  and  the 
Religion,  and  Policy  of  its  Inhabitants  ;  the 
whole  intermixed  with  devout 


By  ROBERT   EASTBURN. 


btijkcd  at    the   earn  eft    REQUEST   of  many 
FRIENDS,  jor  the  Benefit  of  the  AUTHOR. 


With   a  recommendatory   PREFACE,   by   die 
Rev.  GILBERT  TENNENT. 


PSALM  114.  6,  7.  Blffftd  b*  Ufa  Lord%  who  hail)  mt  give*  ft/ 
At  a  Pry  to  thtir  fl^(tb  \  our  Sottl  it  efcaptd,  at  a.  Htf>4  o*t 
the  Snare  of  the  Fourier  :  ^kt  Sxar*  ii  bvcke»,  and  <UH  *rf  ef*# 

PIALM    1^3.  2,  4.     /y/f/J  the  Lord,  O  my  S»ttl',  a*4  fe^it  »&t 
tin  Bttitfin  :    Ubo  rtd'muth   thy  Life  fr*m   D$rMo* 
tb  the*  witk  Inin?  A'Ww/f,  «*</  tender  Mtrcitt. 


PHILADELPHIA: 
Printed  by  WILLIAM  DuwtAp, 


EA  STB  URN  NA  RRA  TI VE  26 


Preface. 

CANDID  READER, 
The  Author  (and  Subjedt)  of  the  enfu- 
ing  Narrative  (who  is  a  Deacon  of  our 
Church,  and  has  been  fo  for  many  Years)  is  of 
fuch  an  eflablifhed  good  Character,  that  he 
needs  no  Recommendation  of  others,  where  he 
is  known:  a  Proof  of  which,  was  the  general  Joy 
of  the  Inhabitants  of  this  City,  occalioned  by  his 
Return  from  a  miferable  Captivity!  Together 
with  the  Readinefs  of  divers  Perfons,  to  con 
tribute  to  the  Relief  of  himfelf ,  and  neceffitous 
Family,  without  any  Requeft  of  his,  or  the  leaffc 
Motion  of  that  Tendency !  —  But,  feeing  the  fol 
lowing  Sheets,  are  like  to  fpread  into  many 
Places,  where  he  is  not  known,  permit  me  to 
fay,  That  upon  long  Acquaintance,  I  have  found 
him  to  be  a  Perfon  of  Candor,  Integrity,  and 
lincere  Piety;  whofe  Teflimony,  may  with 
Safety,  be  depended  upon ;  which  give  his  Nar 
rative  the  greater  Weight,  and  may  induce  to 
read  it  with  the  greater  Pleaf ure ;  The  Defign 
of  it  is  evidently  Pious,  the  Matters  contained 
in  it,  and  Manner  of  handling  them,  will,  I 


26  E A  STB  URN  NARRATIVE 

hope,  be  efleemed  by  the  Impartial,  to  be  enter 
taining  and  improving :  I  heartily  wifh  it  may, 
by  the  divine  Benediction,  be  of  great  and 
durable  Service.  I  am  thy  fincere  Servant,  in 
the  Gofpel  of  Jefus  Chrift. 

GILBERT  TENNENT. 

PHILADELPHIA,  fan   19,  1758. 


EA  S  TB  URN  NA  RRA  TI VE  27 


KIND  READERS, 
On  my  Return  from  my  Captivity,  I 
had  no  Thoughts  of  publifhing  any 
Obfervations  of  mine  to  the  World,  in  this 
Manner;  as  I  had  no  Opportunity  to  keep  a 
Journal,  and  my  Memory  being  broken,  and 
Capacity  fmall,  I  was  difinclined  to  undertake  it; 
but  a  Number  of  my  Friends  were  preffing  in 
their  Perf walions,  that  I  fhould  do  it ;  with  whof e 
Motion  I  complied,  from  a  fmcere  Regard  to 
God,  my  King,  and  Country,  fo  far  as  I  know 
my  own  Heart:  The  following  Pages  contain, 
as  far  as  I  can  remember,  the  moft  material 
Paffages  that  happened  within  the  Compafs  of 
my  Obfervation,  while  a  Prifoner  in  Canada; 
the  Fadts  therein  related  are  certainly  true,  but 
the  Way  of  reprefenting  fome  Things  efpecially, 
is  not  fo  regular,  clear,  and  ftrong,  as  I  could 
wifh ;  but  I  truft  it  will  be  fome  Apology,  that 
I  am  not  fo  much  acquainted  with  Performances 
of  this  Kind,  as  many  others;  who  may  be 
hereby  excited  to  give  better  Reprefentations 
of  Things,  far  beyond  my  Knowledge. 
I  remain  Your  unfeigned  Well-Wifher, 
and  humble  Servant, 
ROBERT  EASTBURN. 

PHILADELPHIA,  Jan.  ig,  1758. 


EASTS  URN  NARRATIVE  29 


A  Faithful  Narrative,  &c. 

ABOUT  Thirty  Tradefmen,  and  myfelf, 
arrived  at  Captain  Williams 's  Fort,*  (at 
the  Carrying  Place)  in  our  Way  to  Of- 
wego,  the  26th  of  March,  1756;  who  informed 
me,  that  he  was  like  to  be  cumbered  in  the 
Fort,  and  therefore  advifed  us  to  take  the  Indian- 
Houfe  for  our  Lodging.  About  Ten  o*  Clock 
next  Day,  a  Negro  Man  came  running  down  the 
Road,  and  reported,  That  our  Slaymen  were  all 
taken  by  the  Enemy ;  Captain  Williams,  on  hear 
ing  this,  fent  a  Serjeant,  and  about  12  Men,  to  fee 
if  it  was  true;  I  being  at  the  Indian-Houfe,  and 
not  thinking  myfelf  fafe  there,  in  Cafe  of  an 

*  This  fort  stood  where  Rome,  New  York,  now  stands.  It 
was  erected  by  Captain  William  Williams,  of  Sir  William 
Pepperell's  regiment,  to  guard  the  south,  or  Mohawk,  end  of 
the  carrying-place  between  the  Mohawk  River  and  Wood 
Creek,  in  the  route  from  Albany  to  Oswego.  It  was  a  pali 
saded  enclosure  with,  presumably,  a  two-story,  loopholed  log- 
house  at  each  of  two  corners,  to  give  the  garrison  a  command 
ing  view  of  the  enemy,  in  case  of  attack.  The  fort  was 
destroyed  by  the  English  after  the  French  captured  Oswego, 
and  a  little  later  Fort  Stanwix  was  built  in  its  place,  from 
plans  drawn  by  James  Montresor,  director  of  engineers  and 
lieutenant-colonel  in  the  British  army  in  1758. 


30  EA  S  TB  URN  NA  RRA  TI VE 

Attack,  and  being  alfo  fmcerely  willing  to  ferve 
my  King  and  Country,  in  the  bed  Manner  I  could 
in  my  prefent  Circumftances,  afked  him  if  he 
would  take  Company?  He  replied,  with  all  his 
Heart!  Hereupon,  I  fell  into  the  Rear,  with  my 
Arms,  and  marched  after  them;  when  we  had 
advanced  about  a  Quarter  of  a  Mile,  we  heard  a 
Shot,  followed  with  doleful  Cries  of  a  dying 
Man,  which  excited  me  to  advance,  in  order  to 
difcover  the  Enemy,  who  I  foon  perceived  were 
prepared  to  receive  us:  In  this  difficult  Situa 
tion,  feeing  a  large  Pine-Tree  near,  I  repaired 
to  it  for  Shelter;  and  while  the  Enemy  were 
viewing  our  Party,  I  having  a  good  Chance  of 
killing  two  at  a  Shot,  quickly  difcharged  at 
them,  but  could  not  certainly  know  what  Execu 
tion  was  done,  till  fome  Time  after;  our  Com 
pany  likewife  difcharged,  and  retreated :  Seeing 
myfelf  in  Danger  of  being  furrounded,  I  was 
obliged  to  Retreat  a  different  Courfe,  and  to  my 
great  Surprize,  fell  into  a  deep  Mire,  which  the 
Enemy,  by  following  my  Track  in  a  light  Snow, 
foon  difcovered,  and  obliged  me  to  furrender, 
to  prevent  a  cruel  Death.  (They  flood  ready  to 
drive  their  Darts  into  my  Body,  in  cafe  I  refufed 
to  deliver  up  my  Arms.)  Prefently  after  I  was 
taken,  I  was  furrounded  by  a  great  Number,  who 
dripped  me  of  my  Cloathing,  Hat,  and  Neckcloth 
(fo  that  I  had  nothing  left  but  a  Flannel  Veft, 
without  Sleeves)  put  a  Rope  on  my  Neck,  bound 


EASTS  URN  NA RRA  TI VE  31 

my  Arms  faft  behind  me,  put  a  long  Band  round 
my  Body,  and  a  large  Pack  on  my  Back,  ftruck  me 
on  the  Head  (a  fevere  Blow,)  and  drove  me  through 
the  Woods  before  them :  It  is  not  eafy  to  con 
ceive,  how  diftreffing  fuch  a  Condition  is !  In  the 
mean  Time,  I  endeavoured  with  all  my  little  re 
maining  Strength,  to  lift  up  my  Eyes  to  God,  from 
whom  alone  I  could  with  Reafon  expect  Relief! 
Seventeen  or  Eighteen  Prifoners,  were  foon 
added  to  our  Number,  one  of  which  informed 
me,  that  the  Indians  were  angry  with  me,  and 
reported  to  fome  of  their  Chiefs,  that  I  had  fired 
on  them,  wounded  one,  and  killed  another;  for 
which  he  doubted  they  would  kill  me.  Here 
upon  I  confidered  that  the  Hearts  of  all  Men  are 
in  the  Hand  of  God,  and  that  one  Hair  of  our 
Head  cannot  fall  to  the  Ground  without  his 
Permifilon :  I  had  not  as  yet  learned  what 
Numbers  the  Enemy's  Parties  confided  of;  there 
being  only  about  100  Indians  who  had  lain  in 
Ambufh  on  the  Road,  to  kill  or  take  into  Cap 
tivity  all  that  pafled  between  the  two  Forts. 
Here  an  Interpreter  came  to  me,  to  enquire 
what  Strength  Capt.  Williams  had  to  defend  his 
Fort?  After  a  fhort  Paufe,  I  gave  fuch  a  dif- 
couraging  Anfwer  (yet  confident  with  Truth)  as 
prevented  their  attacking  it,  and  of  Confequence 
the  Effufion  of  much  Blood;  a  gracious  Provi 
dence,  which  I  defire  ever  to  retain  a  grateful 
Senfe  of;  for  hereby  it  evidently  appeared,  that 


32  EA  STB  URN  NARRA  77  VE 

I  was  fuffered  to  fall  into  the  Hands  of  the 
Enemy,  to  promote  the  Good  of  my  Countrymen, 
to  better  Purpofe  than  I  could,  by  continuing 
with  them;  verily  the  Almighty  is  wife  in 
Council,  and  wonderful  in  Working. 

In  the  mean  Time,  the  Enemy  determined  to 
deftroy  Bull's  Fort,*  (at  the  Head  of  Wood- 
Creek)  which  they  f oon  effected,  all  being  put  to 
the  Sword,  except  five  Perfons,  the  Fort  burnt, 
the  Provifion  and  Powder  deftroyed;  (faving 
only  a  little  for  their  own  Ufe)  then  they  retired 
to  the  Woods,  and  joined  their  main  Body, 
which  inclufive,  confifted  of  400  French,  and 
300  Indians,  commanded  by  one  of  the  principal 
Gentlemen  f  of  Quebec ;  as  f  oon  as  they  got  to 
gether  (having  a  Prieft  with  them)  they  fell  on 
their  Knees,  and  returned  Thanks  for  their 
Vidtory ;  an  Example  this,  worthy  of  Imitation ! 
an  Example  which  may  make  prophane  pre 
tended  Proteftants  blufh,  (if  they  are  not  loft  to 
all  Senfe  of  Shame)  who  inftead  of  acknowl 
edging  a  God,  or  Providence,  in  their  military 
Undertakings,  are  continually  reproaching  him 
with  Oaths  and  Curfes ;  is  it  any  Wonder,  that 

*  Fort  Bull  was  a  mere  palisade  wall  around  store-houses. 
It  was  garrisoned  by  thirty  men  from  Shirley's  regiment.  De 
Lery  attacked  it  with  two  hundred  and  sixty-five  men. 

tThe  commander  was  Joseph  Chaussegros  de  Lery,  an 
active  Canadian  officer,  who  saw  service  at  Fort  Duquesne  and 
Crown  Point.  He  is  not  to  be  confounded  with  Gaspard 
Chaussegros  de  L&y,  chief  engineer  of  Canada,  who  was 
called  "  a  great  ignoramus." 


EA  STB  URN  NA  RRA  TI VE  33 

the  Attempts  of  fuch,  are  blafted  with  Dif ap 
pointment  and  Difgrace ! 

The  Enemy  had  feveral  wounded  Men,  both 
French  and  Indians  among  them,  which  they 
carried  on  their  Backs;  befides  which,  about 
Fifteen  of  their  Number  were  killed,  and  of  us 
about  Forty :  it  being  by  this  Time  near  dark, 
and  fome  Indians  drunk,  they  only  marched 
about  4  Miles  and  encamped;  the  Indians 
untied  my  Arms,  cut  Hemlock  Bowes,  and 
ftrewed  round  the  Fire,  tied  my  Band  to  two 
Trees,  with  my  Back  on  the  green  Bowes,  (by 
the  Fire)  covered  me  with  an  old  Blanket,  and 
lay  down  acrofs  my  Band,  on  each  Side,  to  pre 
vent  my  Efcape,  while  they  flept. 

Sunday  the  28th,  rofe  early,  the  Commander 
ordered  a  hafly  Retreat  towards  Canada,  for 
fear  of  General  Johnfon ;  *  in  the  mean  Time, 
one  of  our  Men  faid,  he  underftood  the  French 
and  Indians  defigned  to  join  a  ftrong  Party,  and 
fall  on  Ofwego,f  before  our  Forces  there,  could 

*  Sir  William  Johnson.  On  learning  from  the  Indians  that 
the  enemy  had  come  to  the  carrying-place,  he  hurried  rein 
forcements  up  the  Mohawk,  but  arrived  too  late  to  intercept 
them. 

t  Near  the  end  of  the  seventeenth  century  Governor  Bello- 
mont,  of  New  York,  suggested  that  the  French  might  be  barred 
out  of  the  Iroquois  country  by  building  a  fort  where  Oswego, 
New  York,  now  stands,  but  nothing  was  done  in  the  matter 
until  Governor  Burnet  built  a  "  stone  house  of  strength  "  there, 
with  his  private  funds,  in  the  spring  of  1727.  This  house 
soon  became  a  noted  trading-station,  for  it  proved  a  formid- 


34  EASTBURN  NARRA  TIVE 

get  any  Provifion  or  Succours ;  having,  as  they 
thought,  put  a  Stop  to  our  relieving  them  for  a 
Time:  When  we  encamped  in  the  Evening, 
the  Commanding-Officer  ordered  the  Indians  to 
bring  me  to  his  Tent,  and  afked  me,  by  an 
Interpreter,  If  I  thought  General  Johnfon  would 
follow  them,  I  told  him  I  judged  not,  but 
rather  thought  he  would  proceed  to  Ofwego 
(which  was  indeed  my  Sentiment,  grounded 
upon  prior  Information,  and  then  expreffed  to 
prevent  the  Execution  of  their  Defign.)  He 
farther  enquired,  what  was  my  Trade?  I  told 
him  that  of  a  Smith;  he  then  perf waded  me, 
when  I  got  to  Canada,  to  fend  for  my  Wife, '  for 
faid  he,  you  can,  get  a  rich  Living  there;'  but 
when  he  faw  that  he  could  not  prevail,  he  afked 
no  more  Queflions,  but  commanded  me  to  return 
to  my  Indian  Matter:  Having  this  Opportunity 
of  Converfation,  I  informed  the  General,  that 
his  Indian  Warriors  had  flripped  me  of  my 
Cloathing,  and  would  be  glad  he  would  be  good 
enough  to  order  me  fome  Relief;  to  which  he 
replied,  that  I  would  get  Cloaths  when  I  came 
to  Canada,  which  was  cold  Comfort  to  one 
almoft  frozen!  On  my  Return,  the  Indians 
perceiving  I  was  unwell,  and  could  not  eat  their 

able  rival  to  the  French  stations  intended  to  supply  the  wants 
of  the  Indians  on  the  borders  of  the  Great  Lakes.  When 
Montcalm  captured  the  place  (Saturday,  August  14,  1756),  one 
of  the  defending  structures  was  known  on  the  frontier  as  Fort 
Rascal,  because  of  the  character  of  the  work  done  by  its  builders. 


EA  S  TB  URN  NA  RRA  TI VE  35 

coarfe  Food,  ordered  fome  Chocolate  (which 
they  had  brought  from  the  Carry  ing- Place)  to 
be  boiled  for  me,  and  feeing  me  eat  that, 
appeared  pleafed.  A  flrong  Guard  was  kept 
every  Night;  One  of  our  Men  being  weakened 
by  his  Wounds,  and  rendered  unable  to  keep 
Pace  with  them,  was  killed  and  fcalped  on  the 
Road !  —  I  was  all  this  Time  almoft  naked,  travel 
ing  through  deep  Snow,  and  wading  through 
Rivers  cold  as  Ice ! 

After  Seven  Days  March,  we  arrived  at  Lake 
Ontario,  where  I  eat  fome  Horfe-Flefh,  which 
tailed  very  agreeably,  for  to  the  hungry  Man, 
as  Solomon  obferves,  every  bitter  Thing  is 
fweet  (a).  The  French  carried  several  of  their 
wounded  Men  all  the  Way  upon  their  Racks,  and 
(many  of  them  wore  no  Breeches  in  their  Travels 

*  On  the  Friday  before  we  arrived  at  the  Lake,  the  Indians 
killed  a  Porcupine,  which  is  in  bignefs  equal  to  a  large  Rac 
oon,  with  fhort  Legs,  is  covered  with  long  Hair,  intermixed 
with  fharp  Quills,  which  are  their  Defence :     It  is  indeed  dan 
gerous  coming  very  near  them,  becauf  e  they  caft  their  Quills  * 
(which  are  like  barbed  Irons  or  Darts)  at  any  Thing  that 
oppofeth  them,  which  when  they  peirce,  are  not  eafy  to  be 
drawn  out ;  for,  though  their  Points  are  fharp  and  fmooth,  they 
have  a  kind  of  Beard,  which  makes  them  flick  fafl :  However, 
the  Indians  threw  it  on  a  large  Fire,  burnt  off  the  Hair  and 
Quills,  roafted  and  eat  of  it,  with  whom  I  had  a  Part. 

*  It  is  now  known  that  porcupines  do  not  cast  or  throw  their 
quills,  and  are  not  able  to  do  so,  though  commonly  believed 
to  do  so,  at  Eastburn's  time.     Many  a  backwoodsman  has 
eaten  a  porcupine.     When  young  the  flesh  is  as  good  as  that 
of  a  'possum,  they  say. 


EASTBURN  NARRA  TIVE 


in  this  cold  Seafon,  they  are  ftrong,  hardy 
Men.)  The  Indians  had  Three  of  their  Party 
wounded,  which  they  likewife  carried  on  their 
Backs,  I  wifh  there  was  more  of  this  Hardnefs, 
fo  neceffary  for  War,  in  our  Nation,  which  would 
open  a  more  encouraging  Scene  than  appears  at 
prefent!  The  Prif oners  were  fo  divided,  that 
but  few  could  Converfe  together  on  our  March, 
and  (which  was  flill  more  difagreeable  and 
diftreffing)  an  Indian,  who  had  a  large  Bunch 
of  green  Scalps,  taken  off  our  Men's  Heads, 
marched  before  me,  and  another  with  a  fharp 
Spear  behind,  to  drive  me  after  him;  by  which 
Means,  the  Scalps  were  very  often  clofe  to  my 
Face,  and  as  we  marched,  they  frequently  every 
Day  gave  the  Dead  Shout*  which  was  repeated 
as  many  Times,  as  there  were  Captives  and 
Scalps  taken!  In  the  Midft  of  this  gloomy 
Scene,  when  I  conlidered,  how  many  poor  Souls 
were  hurried  into  a  vaft  Eternity,  with  Doubts 
of  their  Unfitnefs  for  fuch  a  Change,  it  made 
me  lament  and  expoftulate  in  the  Manner 
following;  O  Sin  what  haft  thou  done!  what 
Defolation  and  Ruin  haft  thou  brought  into  this 
miferable  World?  What  am  I,  that  I  fhould  be 
thus  fpared!  My  Afflictions  are  certainly  far 

*  Schoolcraft  writes  Sa-sa-kuon  to  give  an  idea  of  the  dead 
shout.  It  was  the  whoop  by  which  the  Indians  announced, 
when  approaching  a  village,  their  victory,  and  the  number  of 
scalps  and  prisoners  taken. 


EASTBURN  NARRA  TIVE  37 

lefs  than  my  Sins  deferve !  Through  the  exceed 
ing  Riches  of  divine  Goodnefs  and  Grace,  I 
was  in  this  diflrefling  Situation  fupported  and 
comforted,  by  thefe  Paffages  of  f acred  Scripture, 
viz.  That  our  light  Afflictions,  which  laft  but 
for  a  Moment,  fhall  work  for  us  a  far  more 
exceeding  and  eternal  Weight  of  Glory.  And 
that,  though  no  Afflictions  are  for  the  prefent 
joyous,  but  grievous;  yet  neverthelefs,  they 
afterwards  yield  the  peaceable  Fruits  of  Right- 
eoufnefs,  to  them  who  are  exercifed  thereby. 
And  farther,  that  all  Things  fhall  work  together 
for  Good,  to  them  that  love  God;  to  them  who 
are  the  Called,  according  to  his  Purpofe.  But 
to  return, 

I  May,  with  Juftice  and  Truth  obferve,  That 
our  Enemies  leave  no  Stone  unturned  to  com- 
pafs  our  ruin;  they  pray,  work,  and  travel  to 
bring  it  about,  and  are  unwearied  in  the  Purfuit ; 
while  many  among  us  fleep  in  a  Storm,  that  has 
laid  a  good  Part  of  our  Country  defolate,  and 
threatens  the  Whole  with  Definition :  O  may 
the  Almighty  awake  us,  caufe  us  to  fee  our 
Danger,  before  it  be  too  late,  and  grant  us  Sal 
vation!  O  that  we  may  be  of  good  Courage, 
and  play  the  Man,  for  our  People,  and  the 
Cities  of  our  God!  But  alas,  I  am  obliged  to 
turn  my  Face  towards  cold  Canada,  among 
inveterate  Enemies,  and  innumerable  Dangers! 
O  Lord,  I  pray  thee,  be  my  fafe  Guard;  thou 


38  EASTBURN  NARRA  TIVE 

haft  already  covered  me  in  the  Hollow  of  thy 
Hand ;  when  Death  caft  Darts  all  around  me,  and 
many  fell  on  every  Side,  I  beheld  thy  Salvation! 
April  4th,  Several  French  Battoes  met  us, 
and  brought  a  large  Supply  of  Provifion;  the 
Sight  of  which  caufed  great  Joy,  for  we  were 
in  great  Want;  then  a  Place  was  foon  erected 
to  celebrate  Mafs  in,  which  being  ended,  we  all 
went  over  the  Mouth  of  a  River,  where  it 
empties  itfelf  into  the  Eaft-End  of  Lake  Ontario, 
a  great  Part  of  our  Company  fet  off  on  Foot 
towards  Ofwegotchy ;  *  while  the  reft  were 
ordered  into  Battoes,  and  carried  towards  the 
Entrance  of  St  Lawrence  (where  that  River 
takes  its  Beginning)  but  by  reafon  of  bad 
Weather,  Wind,  Rain,  and  Snow,  whereby  the 
Waters  of  the  Lake  were  troubled,  we  were 
obliged  to  lie-by,  and  hall  our  Battoes  on  Shore ; 
here  I  lay  on  the  cold  Shore  two  Days.  Tuef- 
day  fet  off,  and  entered  the  Head  of  St.  Law- 

*  Oswegotchie.  It  was  a  settlement  of  Iroquois  Indians 
who  had  been  converted  by  Abb6  Piquet,  a  French  missionary. 
It  was  established  in  1749  where  Ogdensburg,  New  York,  now 
stands,  and  it  was  intended  for  the  promotion  of  French  polit 
ical  and  trade  interests,  as  well  as  the  propagation  of  religion. 
Piquet  called  it  "  La  Presentation. "  In  1753  it  contained  a  pali 
saded  fort,  "  flanked  with  block  houses;  a  chapel,  a  storehouse, 
a  barn,  a  stable,  ovens,  a  sawmill,  broad  fields  of  corn  and 
beans,  and  three  villages  of  Iroquois,  containing  in  all  49  bark 
lodges  each  holding  three  or  four  families,  .  .  and  as  time 
went  on  this  number  was  increased. " — Parkman.  The  fort 
was  armed  with  five  two-pounder  cannon  and  garrisoned  with 
a  squad  of  French  soldiers. 


EASTBURN  NARRA  TIVE  39 

rence,  in  the  Afternoon;  came  too  late  at  Night, 
made  Fires,  but  did  not  lie  down  to  fleep; 
embarked  long  before  Day,  and  after  fome  Miles 
Progrefs  down  the  River,  we  faw  many  Fires 
on  our  Right- Hand,  which  were  made  by  the 
Men  who  left  us,  and  went  by  Land ;  with  them 
we  ffcaid  till  Day,  and  then  again  embarked  in 
our  Battoes;  the  Weather  was  very  bad  (it 
fnowed  fafk  all  Day)  near  Night  arrived  at 
Ofwegotchy;  I  was  almoft  ftarved  to  Death, 
but  hoped  to  ftay  in  this  Indian  Town  till  warm 
Weather;  flept  in  an  Indian  Wigwam,  rofe  early 
in  the  Morning  (being  Thurfday)  and  foon  to 
my  Grief  difcovered  my  Difappointment !  Sev 
eral  of  the  Prifoners  had  Leave  to  tarry  here, 
but  I  muft  go  200  Miles  farther  down  Stream, 
to  another  Indian  Town;  the  Morning  being 
extreamly  cold,  I  applied  to  a  French  Merchant 
(or  Trader)  for  fome  old  Rags  of  Cloathing, 
for  I  was  almoft  naked,  but  to  no  Purpofe ! 

About  Ten  o' Clock,  was  ordered  into  a  Battoe, 
on  our  Way  down  the  River,  with  8  or  9 
Indians,  one  of  which  was  the  Man  wounded  in 
the  Skirmifh  before  mentioned;  at  Night  we 
went  on  Shore,  the  Snow  being  much  deeper 
than  before,  we  cleared  it  away,  and  made  a 
large  Fire ;  here,  when  the  wounded  Indian  cafl 
his  Eyes  upon  me,  his  old  Grudge  revived,  he 
took  my  Blanket  from  me,  and  commanded  me 
to  dance  round  the  Fire  Bare- foot,  and  ling  the 


40  EASTBURN  NARRA  TIVE 

Prif oners  Song,  which  I  utterly  refufed;  this 
furprized  one  of  my  fellow  Prifoners,  who  told 
me  they  would  put  me  to  Death  (for  he  under- 
ftood  what  they  faid)  he  therefore  tried  to 
perfuade  me  to  comply,  but  I  defired  him  to  let 
me  alone,  and  was  through  great  Mercy,  enabled 
to  re j eel:  his  Importunity  with  Abhorrence! 
The  Indian  alfo  continued  urging,  faying,  you 
fhall  dance  and  fing;  but  apprehending  my 
Compliance  finful,  I  determined  to  perfift  in 
declining  it  at  all  Adventures,  and  to  leave  the 
Iffue  to  the  divine  Difpofal !  The  Indian  per 
ceiving  his  Orders  difobeyed,  was  fired  with 
Indignation,  and  endeavoured  to  pufh  me  into 
the  Fire,  which  I  leapt  over,  and  he  being 
weak  with  his  Wounds,  and  not  being  affifted 
by  any  of  his  Brethren,  was  obliged  to  defifl : 
For  this  gracious  Interpofure  of  Providence,  in 
preferving  me  both  from  Sin  and  Danger,  I 
defire  to  blef s  God  while  I  live ! 

Friday  Morning,  was  almofl  perifhed  with 
Cold.  Saturday,  proceeded  on  our  Way,  and 
foon  came  in  Sight  of  the  upper  Part  of  the 
Inhabitants  of  Canada;  here  I  was  in  great 
Hopes  of  fome  Relief,  not  knowing  the  Manner 
of  the  Indians,  who  do  not  make  many  Stops 
among  the  French,  in  their  return  from  War, 
till  they  get  Home :  However  when  they  came 
near  fome  rapid  Falls  of  Water,  one  of  my 
fellow  Prifoners,  and  feveral  Indians,  together 


EA  STB  URN  NA  RRA  TI VE  41 

with  myfelf,  were  put  on  Shore,  to  travel  by 
Land,  which  pleafed  me  well,  it  being  much 
warmer  running  on  the  Snow,  than  lying  flill 
in  the  Battoe;  we  paft  by  feveral  French 
Houfes,  but  flopt  at  none;  the  Veffel  going 
down  a  rapid  Stream,  it  required  hafte  to  keep 
Pace  with  her,  we  eroded  over  a  Point  of  Land, 
and  found  the  Battoe  waiting  for  us,  as  near 
the  Shore  as  the  Ice  would  permit:  Here  we 
left  St.  Lawrence  and  turned  up  Conafadauga 
River  (b)  but  it  being  frozen  up,  we  hauled  our 
Battoe  on  Shore,  and  each  of  us  took  our  Share 
of  her  Loading  on  our  Backs,  and  marched 


to  The  River  St.  Lawrence,  at  Lake  Ontario,  takes  its  Begin 
ning  through  feveral  I  Hands,  by  which  we  are  in  no  neceffity  of 
coming  within  Sight  of  Frontenac,  when  we  go  down  the  River ; 
it  is  fmooth  Water  from  thence  to  Ofwegotche  (or  as  it  is 
called  by  the  French  Legalet}  but  from  hence  to  Montreal, 
the  Water  is  more  fwift,  with  a  Number  of  rapid  Streams, 
though  not  dangerous  to  pafs  through  with  fmall  Boats  and 
Bark  Canoes,  provided  the  Stearfmen  are  careful,  and  ac 
quainted  with  the  Places.  In  tranfporting  Provifion  and 
warlike  Stores  up  Stream  from  Canada  to  Lake  Ontario,  there 
is  a  neceffity  of  unloading  Battoes  at  feveral  of  the  rapid 
Streams,  and  hauling  them  empty  through  fhoal  Water  near 
the  Shore ;  and  carrying  the  Loading  by  Land  to  where  the 
Water  is  more  Slack ;  though  there  be  feveral  of  thef e  Places, 
yet  the  Land  Carriage  is  not  very  far:  The  Land  on  both 
Sides  the  River,  appears  fertile  a  great  Part  of  the  Way  from 
the  Lake  to  Montreal;  but  the  nearer  the  Latter  the  worfe, 
more  mirey  and  flony:  The  Timber  is  White  Pine,  Afh, 
Maple,  Beach,  Hickory,  Hemlock,  Spruce ;  and  from  the  Lake 
about  150  Miles  down,  plenty  of  White  Oak,  but  none  about 
Montreal  of  that  Kind. 


42  EASTBURN  NARRATIVE 

towards  Conafadauga,*  an  Indian  Town,  which 
was  our  defigned  Port,  but  could  not  reach  it 
that  Night;  Came  to  a  French  Houfe,  cold, 
weary,  and  hungry;  here  my  old  Friend,  the 
wounded  Indian,  again  appeared,  and  related  to 
the  Frenchman,  the  Affair  of  my  refufing  to 
dance,  who  immediately  aflifled  the  Indian  to 
ftrip  me  of  my  Flannel  Veil,  before  mentioned, 
which  was  my  All :  Now  they  were  ref olved  to 
compel  me  to  dance  and  ling!  The  Frenchman 
was  as  violent  as  the  Indian,  in  promoting  this 
Impofition;  but  the  Women  belonging  to  the 
Houfe,  feeing  the  rough  Ufage  I  had,  took  pity 
on  me,  and  refcued  me  out  of  their  Hands,  till 
their  Heat  was  over,  and  prevailed  with  the 
Indian  to  excufe  me  from  dancing;  but  he 
infilled  that  I  muft  be  fhaved,  and  then  he  would 
let  me  alone  (I  had  at  that  Time  a  long  Beard, 
which  the  Indians  hate)  with  this  Motion  I 
readily  complied,  and  then  the  Indian  feemed 
content. 

Sunday,  April  nth,  Set  off  towards  Conafa 
dauga,  traveled  about  two  Hours,  and  then  faw 

*  A  mission  settlement  of  Indians  containing  a  village  of 
Iroquois  and  another  of  Algonquins.  It  was  called  also  the 
Lake  of  the  Two  Mountains  mission.  The  site  is  "  a  point  on 
the  St.  Lawrence,  just  at  the  [west]  extremity  of  the  island 
of  Montreal,  where  the  river  widens  into  a  kind  of  lake.  Two 
slight  eminences,  which  soon  obtained  the  name  of  mountains, 
gave  it  its  name.  Near  these  the  mission  was  begun  in 
1720." — Shea's  American  Catholic  Missions. 


EASTS  URN  NARRA  TIVE  43 

the  Town,  over  a  great  River,  which  was  ftill 
frozen;  the  Indians  ftoped,  and  we  were  foon 
joined  with  a  Number  of  our  own  Company, 
which  we  had  not  f een  for  f everal  Days :  The 
Prifoners,  in  Number  Eight,  were  ordered  to 
lay  down  our  Packs,  and  be  painted;  the 
wounded  Indian  painted  me,  and  put  a  Belt  of 
Wampum  round  my  Neck,  inftead  of  the  Rope 
which  I  had  worn  400  Miles.  Then  fet  off 
towards  the  Town  on  the  Ice,  which  was  four 
Miles  over;  our  Heads  were  not  allowed  to  be 
covered,  left  our  fine  Paint  fhould  be  hid,  the 
Weather  in  the  mean  Time  very  cold,  like  to 
Freeze  our  Ears ;  after  we  had  advanced  nearer  to 
the  Town,  the  Indian  Women  came  out  to  meet 
us,  and  relieved  their  Hufbands  of  their  Packs. 
As  foon  as  we  landed  at  Conafadauga,  a  large 
Body  of  Indians  came  and  incompaffed  us  round, 
and  ordered  the  Prifoners  to  dance  and  ling 
the  Prifoners  Song,  (which  I  was  ftill  enabled 
to  decline)  at  the  conclufion  of  which,  the 
Indians  gave  a  Shout,  and  opened  the  Ring  to 
let  us  run,  and  then  fell  on  us  with  their  Fills, 
and  knocked  feveral  down ;  in  the  mean  Time, 
one  ran  before  to  diredt  us  to  an  Indian  Houfe, 
which  was  open,  and  as  foon  as  we  got  in,  we 
were  beat  no  more;  my  Head  was  fore  with 
beating,  and  pained  me  feveral  Days.  The 
Squaws  were  kind  to  us,  gave  us  boiled  Corn 
and  Beans  to  eat,  and  Fire  to  warm  us,  which 


44  EASTS  URN  NARRA  TIVE 

was  a  great  Mercy,  for  I  was  both,  cold  and 
hungry :  This  Town  lies  about  30  Miles  North- 
Weft  from  Montreal,  I  ftaid  here  till  the  Ice 
was  gone,  which  was  about  Ten  Days,  and 
then  was  fent  to  Cohnewago,  in  Company  with 
fome  Indians,  who  when  they  came  within 
Hearing,  gave  Notice  by  their  Way  of  fhouting, 
that  they  had  a  Prifoner,  on  which  the  whole 
Town  rofe  to  welcome  me,  which  was  the  more 
diftreffmg,  as  there  was  no  other  Prifoner  in 
their  Hands;  when  we  came  near  Shore,  a  ftout 
Indian  took  hold  of  me,  and  hauled  me  into  the 
Water,  which  was  Knee-deep,  and  very  cold :  As 
foon  as  I  got  a-fhore,  the  Indians  gathered  round 
me,  and  ordered  me  to  dance  and  fing,  now 
when  I  was  ftiff  with  Cold  and  Wet,  and  lying 
long  in  the  Cannoe ;  here  I  only  ftamped  to  pre 
pare  for  my  Race,  and  was  incompaffed  with 
about  500  Indians,  who  danced  and  fung,  and  at 
laft  gave  a  Shout,  and  opened  the  Circle ;  about 
150  young  Lads  made  ready  to  Pelt  me  with  Dirt 
and  gravel  Stones,  and  on  my  fetting  off  gave  me 
a  ftout  Volley,  without  my  fuffering  great  Hurt ; 
but  an  Indian  feeing  me  run,  met  me,  and  held 
me  f aft,  till  the  Boys  had  ftored  themf elves  again 
with  Dirt  and  fmall  Stones,  and  let  me  run ;  but 
then  I  fared  much  worfe  than  before,  for  a  fmall 
Stone  among  the  Mud  hit  my  Right-Eye,  and  my 
Head  and  Face  were  fo  covered  with  Dirt,  that  I 
could  f carce  fee  my  Way ;  but  dif covering  a  Door 


EA  STB  URN  NA  RRA  TI VE  45 

of  an  Indian  Houfe  {landing  open,  I  run  in :  From 
this  Retreat  I  was  foon  hauled,  in  order  to  be 
pelted  more ;  but  the  Indian  Women  being  more 
merciful  interpofed,  took  me  into  a  Houfe, 
brought  me  Water  to  wafh,  and  gave  me  boiled 
Corn  and  Beans  to  eat.  The  next  Day,  I  was 
brought  to  the  Center  of  the  Town,  and  cried 
according  to  the  Indian  Cuftom,  in  order  to  be 
fent  to  a  Family  of  Indians,  200  Miles  up 
Stream,  at  Ofwegotchy,  and  there  to  be  adopted, 
and  abufed  no  more:  To  this  End,  I  was  de 
livered  to  three  young  Men,  who  faid  I  was 
their  Brother,  and  fet  forward  on  our  Way  to 
the  aforefaid  Town,  with  about  20  more  In 
dians,  but  by  reafon  of  bad  Weather,  we  were 
obliged  to  encamp  on  a  cold,  flony  Shore,  three 
Days,  and  then  proceeded  on ;  called  at  Conafa- 
dauga,  ftaid  there  about  a  Week,  in  which 
Time,  I  went  and  viewed  four  Houfes  at  a 
Diftance  from  the  Town,  about  a  Quarter  of  a 
Mile  from  each  other ;  in  which,  are  repref ented 
in  large  Paint  Work,  the  Sufferings  of  our  Sav 
iour,  with  Defign  to  draw  the  Indians  to  the 
Papift's  Religion;  the  Work  is  curioufly  done: 
A  little  farther  fland  three  Houfes  near  together, 
on  the  Top  of  a  high  Hill,  which  they  call  Mount 
Calvary  *  with  three  large  CroiTes  before  them, 

*  Abbe  Piquet,  who  established  the  mission  at  Oswegatchie, 
erected  this  Calvary  and  Way  of  the  Cross.  It  "  is  even  now 
a  pilgrimage  worthy  of  attention." — Shea. 


46  EA  STB  URN  NARRA  TIVE 

which  compleat  the  whole  Reprefentation :  To 
all  thefe  Houfes,  the  Priefts  and  Indians  repair, 
in  performing  their  grand  Proceffions,  which 
takes  up  much  Time  (c). 

Set  off  on  our  Journey  for  Ofwegotchy, 
againft  a  rapid  Stream,  and  being  long  in  it,  and 
our  Provilion  growing  fhort,  the  Indians  put 
to  Shore  a  little  before  Night ;  my  Lot  was  to 
get  Wood,  others  were  ordered  to  get  Fires,  and 
f  ome  to  Hunt ;  our  Kettle  was  put  over  the  Fire 
with  fome  pounded  Indian  Corn,  and  after  it 
had  boiled  about  two  Hours,  my  oldeft  Indian 
Brother,  returned  with  a  She  Beaver,  big  with 
Young,  which  he  foon  cut  to  Pieces,  and  threw 
into  the  Kettle,  together  with  the  Guts,  and  took 
the  four  young  Beavers,  whole  as  they  came 
out  from  the  Dam,  and  put  them  like  wife  into 

c  The  pains  the  Papifts  take  to  propagate  such  a  bloody  and 
abf urd  Religion  as  theirs,  is  truly  amazing !  This  brings  to 
my  Remembrance,  the  following  Difcourfe,  I  had  with  two 
French  Priefts  in  my  Captivity ;  one  of  them  asked  me,  if  I 
was  a  Catholic ;  apprehending  he  meant  the  Romifh  Religion,  I 
anfwered  no ;  he  replied,  no  Bon.  On  my  relating  the  above 
to  a  fellow  Prifoner,  he  faid,  I  had  anfwered  wrong,  becaufe 
by  the  Word  Catholic  he  meant  a  Chriftian:  Some  Time 
after,  I  was  again  asked  by  the  other  Priefb,  if  I  was  a  Cath 
olic,  I  anfwered  yes,  but  not  a  Roman  Catholic ;  at  which  he 
fmiled,  and  asked,  if  I  was  a  Lutheran.  I  replied,  no ;  he  again 
inquired  whether  I  was  a  Calvanift,  I  told  him  I  was ;  to  which 
he  faid,  with  warmth,  no  Bon  !  no  Bon  f  which  fignifieth,  it  is 
not  good,  it  is  not  good.  O !  may  not  the  Zeal  of  Papifts,  in 
propagating  Superftition  and  Idolatry,  make  Proteftants 
afhamed  of  their  Lukewarmnefs,  in  promoting  the  Religion 
of  the  Bible ! 


EASTBURN  NARK  A  TIVE  47 

the  Kettle,  and  when  all  was  well  boiled,  gave 
each  one  of  us  a  large  Difhfull  of  the  Broth,  of 
which  we  eat  freely,  and  then  Part  of  the  old 
Beaver,  the  Tail  of  which  was  divided  equally 
among  us,  there  being  Eight  at  our  Fire ;  the 
four  young  Beavers  were  cut  in  the  Middle,  and 
each  of  us  got  half  of  a  Beaver;  I  watched  an 
Opportunity  to  hide  my  Share  (having  fatisfied 
myfelf  before  that  tender  Difh  came  to  Hand) 
which  if  they  had  feen,  would  have  much  dif- 
pleafed  them.  The  other  Indians  catched  young 
Mufk-Rats,  run  a  Stick  through  their  Bodies,  and 
roafted,  without  being  fkinned  or  gutted,  and 
fo  eat  them.  Next  Morning  haftened  on  our 
Journey,  which  continued  feveral  Days,  till  we 
came  near  Ofwegotchy,  where  we  landed  about 
three  Miles  from  the  Town,  on  the  contrary  Side 
of  the  River;  here  I  was  to  be  adopted,  my 
Father  and  Mother  that  I  had  never  feen  before 
were  waiting,  and  ordered  me  into  an  Indian 
Houfe,  where  we  were  diredted  to  lit  down  filent 
for  a  confiderable  Time,  the  Indians  appeared 
very  fad,  and  my  Mother  began  to  cry,  and  con 
tinued  crying  aloud  for  fome  Time,  and  then 
dried  up  her  Tears,  and  received  me  for  her  Son, 
and  took  me  over  the  River  to  the  Indian  Town ; 
the  next  Day  I  was  ordered  to  go  to  Mafs  with 
them,  but  I  refufed  once  and  again,  yet  they 
continued  their  Importunity  feveral  Days,  fay 
ing  it  was  good  to  go  to  Mafs,  but  I  ftill  refufed ; 


48  EASTBURN  NARRA TIVE 

and  feeing  they  could  not  prevail  with,  me,  they 
feemed  much  difpleafed  with  their  new  Son  (d). 
I  was  then  fent  over  the  River,  to  be  employed 
in  hard  Labour,  as  a  Punifhment  for  not  going 
to  Mafs,  and  not  allowed  a  Sight  of,  or  any  Con- 
verfation  with  my  fellow  Prifoners;  the  old 
Indian  Man  that  I  was  ordered  to  work  with, 
had  a  Wife,  and  fome  Children,  he  took  me  into 
the  Woods  with  him,  and  made  Signs  that  I 
muft  chop,  giving  me  an  Ax,  the  Indian  foon 
f aw  that  I  could  handle  the  Ax :  Here  I  tried  to 
reconcile  myfelf  to  this  Employ,  that  they  might 
have  no  Occalion  againft  me,  except  concerning 
the  Law  of  my  God;  the  old  Man  began  to 
appear  kind,  and  his  Wife  gave  me  Milk  and 
Bread  when  we  came  Home,  and  when  fhe  got 
Fifh,  gave  me  the  Gills  to  eat,  out  of  real  Kind- 
nefs;  but  perceiving  I  did  not  like  them,  gave 
me  my  own  choice,  and  behaved  lovingly! 
Here  I  faw  that  God  could  make  Friends  of 


d  When  I  was  at  Ofwegotchy,  the  Indians  took  Notice,  that  I 
frequently  retired  alone,  and  fuppofing  I  had  fome  bad  Defign, 
threatened  if  I  did  not  defift,  they  would  Tomahawk  me ;  but 
my  fellow  Prifoner,  who  underflood  their  Language,  told  them 
it  would  be  a  pity  to  hurt  me  on  that  Account,  for  I  only  went 
into  a  private  Place  to  pray,  which  was  true;  the  Indians 
replied,  if  f o,  it  was  good ;  but  being  yet  f uf picious,  took  Pains, 
by  watching  to  find  out  how  the  Cafe  was,  and  when  they 
fatisfied  themf elves,  feemed  pleafed!  and  did  not  offer  to 
interrupt  me  any  more,  which  was  a  great  Mercy;  as  the 
Contrary  would  have  in  fome  Degree,  marred  my  Converfe 
with  God. 


EA  STB  URN  NA  RRA  TI VE  49 

cruel  Enemies,  as  he  once  turned  the  Heart  of 
angry  Efau  into  Love  and  Tendernefs;  when 
we  had  finifhed  our  Fence,  which  had  employed 
us  about  a  Week,  I  fhewed  the  old  Squaw  my 
Shirt  (having  worn  it  from  the  Time  I  was  firffc 
taken  Prifoner,  which  was  about  feven  Weeks) 
all  in  Rags,  Dirt,  and  Lice;  fhe  faid  it  was  not 
good,  and  brought  me  a  new  One,  with  ruffled 
Sleeves  (faying  that  is  good)  which  I  thankfully 
accepted.  The  next  Day  they  carried  me  back  to 
the  Indian  Town,  and  admitted  me  to  converfe 
with  my  fellow  Prifoners,  who  told  me  we  were 
all  to  be  fent  to  Montreal,  which  accordingly 
came  to  pafs. 

Montreal,  at  our  Arrival  here,  we  had  our 
Lodging  firffc  in  the  Jefuit's  Convent,  where  I 
faw  a  great  Number  of  Priefls,  and  People  that 
came  to  Confeffion;  after  fome  flay,  we  were 
ordered  to  attend,  with  the  Indians,  at  a  Grand 
Council,  held  before  the  head  General  Vau- 
driel ;  *  we  Prifoners  fat  in  our  Rank  (furrounded 
with  our  Fathers  and  Brethren)  but  were  afked 
no  Questions:  the  General  had  a  Number  of 
Officers  to  attend  him  in  Council,  where  a  noted 
Prieft,  called  Picket,  f  fat  at  his  Right- Hand, 

*  Pierre  Francois  de  Rigaud,  Marquis  de  Vaudreuil-Cavag- 
nal.  He  was  governor  of  Canada  from  the  summer  of  1755 
till  the  French  lost  the  country,  1759. 

t  Abb6  Frangois  Piquet.  He  was  one  of  the  most  patriotic 
and  zealous  priests  in  French  America.  Though  best  known 
as  the  founder  of  Oswegatchie,  his  work  at  the  Lake  of  the 


50  EASTS  URN  NARRA  TIVE 

who  underftands  the  Indian  Tongue  well,  and 
does  more  Hurt  to  the  Englifh,  than  any  other 
of  his  Order  in  Canada  (his  Dwelling  is  at 
Ofwegotchy).  Here  I  was  informed  that  fome 
Meafures  were  concerted  to  deflroy  Ofwego, 
which  they  had  been  long  preparing  to  execute ; 
we  in  our  Journey  met  many  Battoes  going  up 
Stream,  with  Provifion  and  Men  for  an  Attack 
on  our  Frontiers,  which  confirmed  the  Report: 
The  Council  adjourned  to  another  Day,  and  then 
broke  up.  My  Indian  Father  and  Mother  took 
me  with  them  to  feveral  of  their  old  Acquain 
tance,  who  were  French,  to  fhew  them  their 
lately  adopted  Son;  thefe  Perfons  had  been 
concerned  with  my  Father  and  other  Indians, 
in  deftroying  many  Englifh  Families  in  their 
younger  Days;  and  (as  one  {landing  by  who 
underfbood  their  Language,  faid,)  were  boafbing 
of  their  former  Murders !  After  fome  Days  the 
Council  was  again  called,  before  which,  feveral 
of  the  Oneida  Chiefs  appeared,  and  offered  fome 
Complaint  againft  the  French's  attacking  our 
Carry  ing- Place,  it  being  their  Land;  but  the 

Two  Mountains  was  notable  in  the  annals  of  the  Church.  He 
was  stationed  at  Fort  Frontenac,  at  one  time.  When  Mont- 
calm  captured  Oswego,  Piquet  was  present,  and  erected  a 
huge  cross  to  commemorate  the  French  victory.  He  accom 
panied  a  number  of  raiding  parties  that  invaded  the  British 
settlements.  His  energy  was  untiring.  Though  called  vain 
and  boastful,  it  is  certain  that  he  was  ever  ready  to  back  his 
words  with  deeds. 


EASTS  URN  NARRA  TIVE  51 

General  laboured  to  make  them  eafy,  and  gave 
them  ftmdry  Prefents  of  Value,  which  they  ac 
cepted  (e) :  After  which,  I  knowing  thefe  Indians 
were  acquainted  with  Captain  Williams,  at  the 
Carry  ing- Place,  fent  a  Letter  by  them,  to  let 
my  Family  and  Friends  know  I  was  yet  alive, 
and  longed  for  Redemption ;  but  it  never  came 
to  Hand.  The  Treaty  being  ended,  the  General 
fent  about  ten  Gallons  of  red  Wine  to  the 
Indians,  which  they  divided  among  us;  after 


e  The  French  in  Canada,  well  knowing  the  great  Importance 
of  having  the  Indians  in  their  Intereft,  to  promote  their  ambi 
tious  and  unjufl  Defigns,  ufe  a  variety  of  Methods  with  them, 
among  which,  the  following  one  is  excellent  in  itfelf ,  and  well 
worthy  of  Imitation,  viz.  They  are  exceeding  careful  to  pre 
vent  fpirituous  Liquors  being  fold  to  the  Indians,  and  if  any 
of  the  Inhabitants  are  proved  guilty  of  it,  their  temporal 
Interefl  is  quite  broke,  and  corporal  Punifhment  inflicted  on 
them ;  unlefs  the  General,  on  fome  particular  Occafion,  orders 
his  Commiffioners  to  deliver  fome  to  them.  I  may  add,  that 
knowing  their  Number  is  fmall,  compared  with  the  Britifh 
Inhabitants  on  this  Continent,  and  muft  quickly  fall  into  their 
Hands,  in  cafe  we  united,  and  entered  boldly  into  the  Heart  of 
their  Country  with  a  fufficient  Force ;  for  that  very  Reafon, 
they  choofe  to  keep  us  continually  on  the  Defencive,  by  fend 
ing  when  Occafion  requires,  large  Bodies  of  Regulars,  together 
with  great  Numbers  of  Indians,  upon  long  and  tedious 
Marches,  that  we  may  not  come  near  their  Borders;  and 
efpecially  by  employing  the  Latter,  conftantly  to  wafte  and 
ravage  our  Frontiers,  by  which  we  are  murdered  by  Inches, 
and  beat  without  a  Battle !  By  what  I  could  learn  when  I  was 
among  them,  they  do  not  fear  our  Numbers,  becaufe  of  our 
unhappy  Divifions,  which  they  deride,  and  from  them,  ftrongly 
expect  to  conquer  us  entirely !  which  may  a  gracious  God,  in 
Mercy,  prevent! 


52  EASTBURN  NARRATIVE 

came  the  Prefents,  coniifting  of  Coats,  Blankets, 
Shirts,  Skins  (to  make  Indian  Shoes)  Cloth  (to 
make  Stockings)  Powder,  Lead,  Shot,  and  to 
each  a  Bag  of  Paint,  for  their  own  Ufe,  &c. 
After  we  Prif oners  had  our  Share,  my  Mother 
came  to  me  with  an  Interpreter,  and  told  me  I 
might  flay  in  the  Town,  at  a  Place  fhe  had 
found  for  me,  if  I  pleafed  (this  was  doubtlefs 
the  Confequence  of  my  declining  to  obey  her 
Orders,  in  fome  Inftances  that  affedted  my 
Confcience)  this  Propofal  I  almofl  agreed  to; 
but  one  of  my  fellow  Prif  oners,  with  whom  I 
had  before  fome  Difcourfe,  about  making  our 
Efcape  from  the  Indian  Town,  oppofed  the 
Motion,  and  faid,  "  pray  do  not  ftay,  for  if  you 
do,  we  fhall  not  be  able  to  form  a  Plan  for  our 
Deliverance;  "  on  which  I  told  her  I  chofe  to 
go  Home  with  her,  and  foon  fet  off  by  Land  in 
our  Way  thither,  to  Lafcheen,*  diftant  from 

*  La  Chine  was  the  name  given  by  envious  competitors  to 
the  frontier  trading-post,  established  by  La  Salle,  soon  after 
his  arrival  (1666)  in  New  France.  It  stood  at  the  head  of  the 
rapids  above  and  nine  miles  from  Montreal.  It  was  the  most 
dangerous,  and  probably  it  was  then  the  most  profitable  post 
in  America.  Having  learned  from  Seneca  Indians  that  a  river 
heading  in  their  country  flowed  to  a  great  salt  sea,  far  away 
to  the  south,  La  Salle  supposed  it  emptied  into  the  South  Sea, 
and  that  he  might,  by  following  that  route,  reach  China. 
With  unsurpassed  courage  and  enterprise  he  mortgaged  his 
trading-post,  though  it  was  yielding  him  large  profits,  to  raise 
funds  for  the  exploration  of  this  river.  He  succeeded  in  fol 
lowing  it  as  far  as  the  falls  of  the  Ohio  (Louisville,  Kentucky), 
and  then,  because  his  men  deserted  him,  he  was  obliged  to 


EASTS  URN  NARRA  TIVE  53 

Montreal  about  9  Miles,  where  we  left  our 
Cannoes,  and  then  proceeded,  without  Delay,  on 
our  Journey;  in  which  I  faw,  to  my  Sorrow, 
great  Numbers  of  Soldiers,  and  much  Provi- 
fions,  in  Motion  towards  Lake  Ontario. 

After  a  painful  and  diftreffmg  Journey,  we 
arrived  at  Ofwegotchy,  where  we  likewife  faw 
many  Battoes,  with  Provilion  and  Soldiers, 
daily  paffmg  by  in  their  Way  to  Frontenac,* 
which  greatly  diftrefled  me  for  Of wego !  Hence 
I  refolved,  if  poffible,  to  give  our  People  Notice 
of  their  Danger:  To  this  End,  I  told  two  of 
my  fellow  Prif oners,  that  it  was  not  a  Time  to 
fleep,  and  afked  if  they  would  go  with  me,  to 
this  they  heartily  agreed;  but  we  had  no  Provi- 
fion,  were  clofely  eyed  by  the  Enemy,  and 
could  not  lay  up  a  Stock  out  of  our  Allowance : 
However,  at  this  Time,  Mr.  Picket  (before  men 
tioned)  had  concluded  to  dig  a  large  Trench 
round  the  Town ;  I  therefore  went  to  a  Negro, 

return,  mined,  to  Montreal.  He  had  gone  to  find  China ;  he 
returned  to  find  the  mortgage  on  his  post  at  the  rapids  fore 
closed.  His  old  rivals,  to  deride  him,  began  to  call  his  lost 
post  China  —  La  Chine  —  and  the  name  remains  to  this  day, 
perpetuating  the  story  of  La  Salle's  first  expedition  into  the 
wilds  of  America,  and  the  ill  nature  of  his  competitors. 

*  Frontenac  was  the  name  (called  also  Cataraqui)  of  the 
fort,  trading-post,  and  settlement  established  (1673)  by  La 
Salle  and  Count  de  Frontenac,  where  Kingston,  Ontario,  now 
stands.  It  was  the  first  of  the  chain  of  forts  intended  to 
extend  from  Montreal  to  New  Orleans  that  La  Salle  planned 
to  secure  the  interior  of  the  continent  to  the  French  crown. 


54  EASTBURN  NARRA  TIVE 

the  principal  Manager  of  this  Work  (who  could 
fpeak  Englifh,  French,  and  Indian,  well)  and 
afked  him,  if  he  could  get  Employ  for  two 
others,  and  myfelf ,  which  he  foon  did ;  for  which 
we  were  to  have  Meat  and  Wages.  Here  we 
had  a  Profpedt  of  procuring  Provifion  for  our 
Flight;  this,  I  in  fome  Time  effected  for  myfelf, 
and  then  afked  my  Brethren  if  they  were  ready, 
who  replied  they  were  not  yet,  but  faid,  Ann 
Bowman,  our  fellow  Prifoner,  had  brought  130 
Dollars  from  Bull's  Fort,  and  would  give  them 
all  they  had  Need  of ;  I  told  them  it  was  not  faf e 
to  difclofe  fuch  a  Secret  to  her,  but  they  blamed 
me  for  my  Fears,  and  applied  to  her  for  Provi- 
lion,  letting  her  know  our  Intention,  who  imme 
diately  informed  the  Prieft  of  it ;  on  which  we 
were  apprehended,  the  Indians  apprifed  of  our 
Delign,  and  a  Court  called ;  by  Order  of  which, 
four  of  us  were  confined  under  a  ftrong  Guard, 
in  a  Room  within  the  Fort,  for  feveral  Days. 

From  hence,  another  and  myfelf  were  fent  to 
Cohnewago,  under  a  flrong  Guard  of  60  Indians, 
to  prevent  my  ploting  any  more  againit  the 
French,  and  banifh  all  Hope  of  my  Efcape! 
However,  when  we  arrived  at  this  Place,  it 
pleafed  that  gracious  God,  who  has  the  Hearts 
of  all  Creatures  in  his  Hand,  to  incline  the  Cap 
tain  of  the  Guard,  to  fhew  me  great  Kindnefs, 
in  giving  me  Liberty  to  walk  or  work  where  I 
pleafed,  within  any  fmall  Diitance;  on  which 


EASTS  URN  NARRA  TIVE  55 

I  went  to  work  with  a  French  Smith,  for  fix 
Livers  and  five  Soufe  per  Week ;  which  the  Cap 
tain  let  me  have  to  myfelf ,  and  farther  favoured 
me  with  the  Priviledge  of  Lodging  at  his  Mother's 
Houfe,  an  Englifh  Woman  (named  Mary  Har 
ris,*  taken  Captive  when  a  Child,  from  Dear- 
field,  in  New- England)  who  told  me  fhe  was  my 
Grand-mother,  and  was  kind;  but  the  Wages 
being  fmall,  and  not  fufficient  to  procure  fuch 
Cloathing  as  I  was  in  Want  of,  I  proceeded  no 
farther  with  the  French  Smith,  but  went  to  my 
Uncle  Peter,  and  told  him  I  wanted  Cloaths,  and 
that  it  would  be  better  to  let  me  go  to  Montreal, 
and  work  there,  where  I  could  Cloath  myfelf 
better,  than  by  flaying  with  him,  and  that  with 
out  any  Charge  to  him,  who  after  fome  Reafoning 
confented. 

Set  off  on  my  Journey  to  Montreal,  and  on 
my  entring  the  City  met  an  Englifh  Smith, 
who  took  me  to  work  with  him;  after  fome 
Time,  we  fettled  to  work  in  a  Shop,  oppofite  to 
the  General's  Door,  where  we  had  the  Oppor 
tunity  of  feeing  a  great  Part  of  the  Forces  of 
Canada  (both  Soldiers  and  Indians)  who  were 
commonly  brought  there,  before  their  going 
out  to  War;  and  like  wife  all  Prif  oners,  by  which 

*  Mary  Harris  was  one  of  a  considerable  number  of  captured 
New  England  children  who  learned  to  prefer  the  Indian  way 
of  living  to  that  of  civilized  people.  According  to  Parkman, 
a  tributary  of  the  Muskingum  River,  in  Ohio,  was  named 
White  Woman's  Creek,  in  her  honor. 


56  EASTS  URN  NARRA  TIVE 

Means  we  got  Intelligence  how  our  People  were 
preparing  for  Defence ;  but  no  good  News  from 
Ofwego,  which  made  me  fear,  knowing  that  great 
Numbers  of  French  were  gone  againft  it,  and 
hearing  of  but  few  to  defend  it.  Prayers  were 
put  up  in  all  the  Churches  of  Canada,  and  great 
Procefiions  made,  in  order  to  procure  Succefs 
to  their  Arms,  againft  poor  Ofwego;  but  our 
People  knew  little  of  their  Danger,  till  it  was 
too  late :  Certainly  if  more  frequent  and  earneft 
Application  (both  in  private  and  public)  was 
made  to  the  God  of  Battle,  we  might  with 
greater  Probability,  expect  Succefs  would  crown 
our  military  Attempts!  To  my  Surprize,  the 
difmal  News  came,  that  the  French  had  taken 
one  of  the  Ofwego  Forts;  in  a  few  Hours, 
in  Confirmation  of  this,  I  faw  the  Englifh 
Standards  (the  melancholly  Trophy  of  Vidtory) 
and  the  French  rejoicing  at  our  downfal,  and 
mocking  us  poor  Prifoners,  in  our  Exile  and 
Extremity,  which  was  no  great  Argument  either 
of  Humanity,  or  true  Greatnef s  of  Mind ;  great 
Joy  appeared  in  all  their  Faces,  which  they 
expreiled  by  loud  Shouts,  firing  of  Cannon,  and 
returning  Thanks  in  their  Churches;  but  our 
Faces  were  covered  with  Shame,  and  our  Hearts 
filled  with  Grief!  -  -  Soon  after,  I  faw  feveral 
of  the  Officers  brought  in  Prifoners,  in  fmall 
Parties,  and  the  Soldiers  in  the  fame  Manner,  and 
confined  within  the  Walls,  in  a  ffcarving  Condi- 


EASTS  URN  NARRA  TIVE  57 

tion,  in  order  to  make  them  Work,  which  fome 
complied  with,  but  others  bravely  refufed;  and 
lafl  of  all  came  the  Trad ef men,  among  whom 
was  my  Son,  who  looking  round  faw  his  Father, 
who  he  thought  had  long  been  dead ;  this  joyful 
Sight  fo  affedted  him,  that  he  wept!  —  nor  could 
I,  in  feeing  my  Son,  remain  unconcerned!  — 
no ;  the  Tendernefs  of  a  Father's  Bowels,  upon  fo 
extraordinary  an  Occafion,  I  am  not  able  to 
exprefs,  and  therefore  muft  cover  it  with  a  Vail 
of  Silence !  —  But  he,  with  all  my  Philadelphia 
Friends,  being  guarded  by  Soldiers,  with  fixed 
Bayonets,  we  could  not  come  near  each  other, 
they  were  fent  to  the  common  Pound;  but  I 
haftened  to  the  Interpreter,  to  try  if  I  could  get 
my  Child  at  Liberty,  which  was  foon  effected! 
When  we  had  the  Happinefs  of  an  Interview, 
he  gave  me  fome  Information  of  the  State  of 
our  Family,  and  told  me,  as  foon  as  the  News 
were  fent  Home,  that  I  was  killed,  or  taken,  his 
Mother  was  not  allowed  any  more  Support  from 
my  Wages,  which  grieved  me  much,  and  added 
to  my  other  Afflictions  (f ) ! 

f  In  the  mean  Time,  it  gave  me  fome  Pleafure,  in  this  Situa 
tion,  to  fee  an  Expreffion  of  equal  Duty  and  Prudence  in  my 
Sons  Conduct,  who,  though  young  in  Years  (about  17)  and  in 
fuch  a  confuf ed  State  of  Things,  had  taken  care  to  bring,  with 
much  Labour  and  Fatigue,  a  large  Bundle  of  conliderable 
Value  to  me,  it  being  Cloathing,  &c.  which  I  was  in  great  Need 
of;  he  like  wife  faved  a  Quantity  of  Wampum,  which  we 
brought  from  New- York,  and  afterwards  fold  here,  for  150 
Livers.  He  traveled  with  me  Part  of  the  Journey  towards 


58  EASTS  URN  NARRA  TIVE 

When  the  People  taken  at  Ofwego,  were  fet- 
ting  out  on  their  Way  to  Quebec,  I  made 
Application  for  Liberty  to  go  with  them ;  but 
the  Interpreter  replied,  that  I  was  an  Indian 
Prifoner,  and  the  General  would  not  fuffer  it,  till 
the  Indians  were  fatisfied;  and  as  they  lived 
Two  Hundred  Miles  from  Montreal,  it  could  not 
be  done  at  that  Time :  Finding  that  all  Argu 
ments,  farther  on  that  Head,  would  not  avail, 
becauf e  I  was  not  included  in  the  Capitulation ; 
I  told  the  Interpreter,  my  Son  muft  go  and 
leave  me !  in  order  to  be  ready  at  Quebec  to  go 
Home,  when  the  Ofwego  People  went,  which 
probably  would  be  f oon ;  he  replied,  * '  It  would 

Ofwego,  but  not  being  f o  far  on  his  Way,  as  I  was  when  taken, 
he  did  not  then  fall  into  the  Enemy's  Hands,  but  continued 
free  till  Ofwego  was  taken,  and  was  then  remarkably  deliv 
ered  from  the  Hands  of  the  Indians,  in  the  following  Manner, 
15  young  Lads  were  drafted  out  to  be  delivered  to  them  (which 
from  their  known  Cuftom,  it  is  reaf enable  to  conclude,  was  to 
fill  up  the  Number  they  had  loft  in  the  Battle  *)  among  which 
he  was  one :  This  barbarous  Defign,  which  is  contrary  to  the 
Laws  of  War,  among  all  civilized  Nations,  the  French  artfully 
concealed,  under  the  Pretext  of  fending  them  to  work  in  the 
Battoes;  but  my  Child  taking  Notice,  that  all  that  were 
chofen  were  fmall  Lads,  doubted  their  real  Intention  was  bad, 

*In  Delafield's  biography  of  Francis  Lewis  (one  of  the 
prisoners  captured  at  Oswego)  is  this  paragraph  (p.  20): 
"  Montcalm  allowed  his  Indian  allies  to  select  thirty  prisoners 
as  their  share  of  the  booty,  and  Lewis  was  one  of  the  number. 
The  Indians  retreated  northward.  Toward  the  close  of  each 
day  when  they  found  .  .  a  pleasant  spot  which  invited 
them  to  rest  and  feast,  they  lit  their  fires  and  celebrated  their 
victory  by  the  sacrifice  of  a  captive." 


EASTS  URN  NARRATIVE 


be  better  to  keep  him  with  me,  for  he  might  be 
a  Mean  to  get  me  clear  much  fooner." 

The  Officers  belonging  to  Ofwego,  would 
gladly  have  had  me  with  them,  but  found  it 
impracticable ;  this  is  an  Inftance  of  Kindnefs 
and  Condefcenflon,  for  which  I  am  obliged! 
Captain  Bradley,  gave  me  a  good  Coat,  Veft, 
and  Shirt;  and  a  young  Gentleman,  who  for 
merly  lived  in  Philadelphia,  gave  four  Piftoles 
(his  Name  is  James  Stone,  he  was  Doctor  at 
Ofwego).  Thefe  generous  Expreffions  of  Kind 
nefs  and  Humanity,  I  am  under  great  Obliga 
tions  to  remember  with  affectionate  Gratitude, 
and  if  ever  it  be  in  the  Compafs  of  my  Power, 

and  therefore  dipt  out  of  his  Rank  and  concealed  himfelf ,  by 
which  Means,  under  God,  he  was  preferred  from  a  State  of 
perpetual  Captivity ;  his  Place  being  filled  up  in  his  Abf ence, 
the  other  unhappy  Vouths  were  delivered  up  a  Sacrifice  to  the 
Indian  Enemy,  to  be  inftrudted  in  Popifh  Principles,  and  em 
ployed  in  Murdering  their  Countrymen;  yea,  perhaps,  their 
Fathers  and  Brethren,  O  horrible!  O  lamentable!  How  can 
the  French  be  guilty  in  cold  Blood,  of  fuch  prodigious  In 
iquity?  Befides  their  infatiable  Thirft  of  Empire,  Doubtlefs 
the  Pardons  they  get  from  their  Pope,  and  their  Priefls,  em 
bolden  them,  which  brings  to  my  Mind,  what  I  faw  when 
among  them:  On  a  Sabbaoth  Day,  perceiving  a  great  Con- 
courfe  of  People  at  a  Chapel,  built  on  the  Commons,  at  fome 
Diftance  from  the  City,  I  went  to  fee  what  was  the  Occafion, 
and  found  a  kind  of  a  Fair,  at  which  were  fold  Cakes,  Wine, 
Brandy,  &c.  I  likewife  faw  many  Carts  and  Chafes  attend 
ing,  the  Chapel  Doors  in  the  mean  Time  open,  Numbers  of 
People  going  in  and  out,  and  a  Board  hanging  over  the  Door, 
on  which  was  written,  in  large  Letters,  INDULGENCE 
PLENARY,  or  FULL  PARDON. 


60  EASTBURN  NARRA  TIVE 

to  requite :  This  Money,  together  with  what  my 
Son  brought,  I  was  in  Hopes  would  go  far  towards 
procuring  my  Releafe,  from  my  Indian  Matters ; 
but  feeing  a  Number  of  Prif oners  in  fore  Diftrefs, 
among  which  were,  the  Captains  Grant  and 
Shepherd,*  and  about  Seven  more  in  Company, 
I  thought  it  my  Duty  to  relieve  them,  and  com 
mit  my  Releafe  to  the  Dif pofal  of  Providence ! 
Nor  was  this  fuffered  to  turn  to  my  Difadvantage 
in  the  Iffue,  for  my  Deliverance  was  brought 
about  in  due  Time,  in  another,  and  unexpected 
Way.  This  Company  informed  me  of  their 
Intention  to  Efcape,  accordingly  I  gave  them 
all  the  Help  in  my  Power,  faw  them  clear  of 
the  Town,  on  a  Saturday  Evening,  before  the 
Gentries  were  fet  at  the  Gates,  and  advifed  them 
not  to  part  from  each  other,  and  delivered  to 
Captain  Shepherd  two  Pocket  CompafTes;  but 
they  contrary  to  this  Counfel  parted,  and  faw 
each  other  no  more :  By  their  f eparating,  Cap 
tain  Grant,  and  Serjeant  Newel,  were  deprived 
of  the  Benefit  of  a  Compafs ;  the  other  Part  got 
fafe  to  Fort  William  Henry,  as  I  was  informed 
by  Serjeant  Henry,  who  was  brought  in  Prif- 
oner,  being  taken  in  a  Battle,  when  gallant,  inde 
fatigable  Captain  Rogers,  made  a  brave  Stand, 

*  Shepard  was  picked  up  by  a  scouting  party  that  was  under 
the  active  Major  Robert  Rogers.  They  had  gone  down  Lake 
George  on  skates  to  look  after  French  stragglers  and  examine 
the  French  posts. 


EASTS  URN  NA RRA  77  VE  61 

againfl  more  than  twice  his  Number!  But  I 
have  not  heard  any  Account  of  Captain  Grant! 
Was  enabled,  through  much  Mercy,  to  continue 
communicating  fome  Relief  to  other  Prifoners, 
out  of  the  Wages  I  received  for  my  Labour, 
which  was  40  Livers  per  Month ! 

In  the  latter  Part  of  the  Winter,  Coal  and  Iron 
were  fo  fcarce,  that  I  was  hard  fet  to  get  any 
more  Work ;  I  then  offered  to  work  for  my  Diet 
and  Lodging,  rather  than  be  thruft  into  a  {link 
ing  Dungeon,  or  fent  among  the  Indians :  The 
Interpreter  took  fome  Pains  (which  I  thankfully 
acknowledge)  but  without  Succefs;  however, 
as  I  offered  to  work  without  Wages,  a  French 
man  took  me  and  my  Son  in,  upon  thefe  Terms, 
till  a  better  Birth  prefented ;  here  we  ftaid  one 
Week,  but  heard  of  no  other  Place,  then  he 
offered  me  and  my  Son,  30  Livers  per  Month, 
to  ftrike  and  blow  the  Bellows,  which  I  did  for 
about  two  Months,  and  then  was  difcharged, 
and  traveled  about  from  Place  to  Place,  having 
no  fixed  Abode,  and  was  obliged  to  lay  out  the 
fmall  Remains  of  my  Cafh,  in  buying  a  little 
Victuals,  and  took  a  Hay-Loft  for  my  Lodging: 
I  then  made  my  Cafe  known  to  the  kind  Inter 
preter,  and  requefled  him  to  conlider  of  fome 
Means  for  my  Relief,  who  replied  he  would; 
in  the  mean  Time,  as  I  was  taking  a  walk  in 
the  City,  I  met  an  Indian  Prifoner,  that  be 
longed  to  the  Town  where  my  Father  lived, 


EASTS  URN  NARRA  TIVE 


who  reported,  that  a  great  Part  of  the  Indians 
there,  were  juft  come,  with  a  Refolution  to 
carry  me  back  with  them ;  and  knowing  him  to 
be  a  very  honefl  Fellow,  I  believed  the  Truth  of 
it,  and  fled  from  the  Town  to  be  concealed  from 
the  Indians;  in  the  mean  while,  Schemes  were 
formed  for  an  Efcape,  and  well  profecuted :  The 
Iffue  of  which  was  fortunate.  General  Vaudriel, 
gave  me  and  my  Son,  Liberty  (under  his  Hand) 
to  go  to  Quebec,  and  work  there  at  our  Pleafure, 
without  Confinement,  as  Prif oners  of  War;  by 
which  Means,  I  was  freed  from  paying  a  Ranfom. 
The  Commiffary,  Monfieur  Partwe,  being 
about  to  fet  off  for  Quebec,  my  Son  informed 
me  that  I  muft  come  to  Town  in  the  Evening,  a 
Paffage  being  provided  for  us ;  I  waited  till  near 
Dark,  and  then  entered  the  Town,  with  great 
Care,  to  efcape  the  Indians,  who  kept  watch  for 
me  (and  had  done  fo  for  fome  Time)  which  made 
it  very  difficult  and  dangerous  to  move ;  however, 
as  they  had  no  Knowledge  of  my  Son,  he  could 
watch  their  Motions,  without  their  Sufpicion 
(the  Providence  of  God  is  a  great  Deep,  this 
Help  was  provided  for  my  Extremity,  not  only 
beyond  my  Expectation,  but  contrary  to  my 
Defign.)  In  the  Morning,  upon  feeing  an  Indian 
fet  to  watch  for  me,  over  againft  the  Houfe  I 
was  in,  I  quickly  made  my  Efcape,  through  the 
back  Part  of  the  Houfe,  over  fome  high  Pickets, 
and  out  of  the  City,  to  the  River  Side,  and  fled ! 


EASTBURN  NARRA  TIVE  63 

A  Friend  knowing  my  Scheme  for  Deliverance, 
kindly  affifted  me  to  conceal  myfelf :  The  Com- 
miffary  had  by  this  Time  got  ready  for  his 
Voyage,  of  which  my  Son  giving  me  Notice,  I 
immediately,  with  no  lingering  Motion,  repaired 
to  the  Boat,  was  received  on  board,  fet  off  quite 
tmdifcovered,  and  faw  the  Indians  no  more! 
A  very  narrow  and  furprizing  Efcape,  from  a 
violent  Death !  (For  they  had  determined  to  kill 
me,  in  cafe  I  ever  attempted  to  leave  them) 
which  lays  me  under  the  ftrongeft  Obligations, 
to  improve  a  Life  refcued  from  the  Jaws  of  fo 
many  Deaths,  to  the  Honour  of  my  gracious 
Benefadtor!  —  But  to  return,  the  Commiffary, 
upon  feeing  the  Difmiffion  I  had  from  the  Gen 
eral,  treated  us  courteoufly !  (g) 

Arrived  at  Quebec,  May  ift,  The  honorable 
Colonel  Peter  Schuyler*  hearing  of  my  coming 

«  Saw  many  Houf  es  and  Villages  in  our  Paf  s  along  the  River 
St.  Lawrence  towards  the  Metropolis;  and  here  it  may  be 
with  Juftice  obferved,  that  the  Inhabitants  of  Canada  in  gen 
eral,  are  principally  (if  not  wholly)  fettled  upon  Rivers,  by 
reafon  that  their  back  Lands  being  flat  and  fwampy,  are 
therefore  unfit  to  bear  Grain :  Their  Wheat  is  f own  in  the 
Spring  of  the  Year,  becaufe  the  Winter  is  long,  and  would 
drown  it;  they  feem  to  have  no  good  Notion  of  making 
Meadow  (fo  far  as  I  had  an  Opportunity  of  obferving)  their 
horned  Cattle  are  few  and  poor,  their  Living  in  general  mean, 
they  eat  but  little  Flefh,  neverthelef  s  they  are  ftrong  and  hardy. 

*  Colonel  Peter  Schuyler.  He  was  the  son  of  Arent  Schuy- 
ler,  and  both  were  notable  men  in  the  British  colonies.  The 
colonel  was  in  command  of  a  New  Jersey  regiment  at  Oswego 
when  the  French  captured  the  place.  ' '  While  a  prisoner  in 


64  EA  STB  URN  NA  RRA  TI VE 

there,  kindly  fent  for  me,  and  after  enquiries 
about  my  Welfare,  &c.  generoufly  told  me  I 
fhould  be  fupplied,  and  need  not  trouble  myfelf 
for  Support !  This  public  f pirited  Gentleman, 
who  is  indeed  an  Honour  to  his  Country,  did 
in  like  Manner,  nobly  relieve  many  other  poor 
Prif oners  at  Quebec !  —  Here  I  had  full  Liberty 
to  walk  where  I  pleafed,  and  view  the  City, 
which  is  well  fituated  for  Strength,  but  far  from 
being  impregnable. 

Here,  I  hope,  it  will  not  be  judged  improper, 
to  give  a  fhort  Hint  of  the  French  Governor's 
Condudt ;  even  in  Time  of  Peace,  he  gives  the 
Indians  great  Encouragement  to  Murder  and 
Captivate  the  poor  Inhabitants  on  our  Frontiers ; 
an  honeft,  good  Man,  named  William  Rofs,  was 
taken  Prif  oner  twice  in  the  Time  of  Peace; 
when  he  was  fir  ft  taken,  he  learned  a  little  of 
the  French  Tongue,  was  after  fome  Time 
redeemed,  and  got  to  his  Place  of  Abode :  Yet 
fome  Years  after,  he,  with  two  Sons,  was  again 
taken,  and  brought  to  Quebec;  the  Governor 
feeing  the  poor  Man  was  Lame,  and  one  of  his 
Legs  fmaller  than  the  other,  reproved  the  In- 

Canada  he  kept  open  house  for  the  relief  of  his  fellow  suffer 
ers,  and  gave  large  sums  to  the  Indians  for  the  redemption  of 
captives ;  many  of  whom  he  afterwards,  at  his  own  expense, 
maintained  while  there,  and  provided  for  their  return,  trusting 
to  their  abilities  and  honor  for  repayment ;  and  lost  consider 
able  that  way,  but  seemed  to  think  it  money  well  bestowed." 
He  lived  at  No.  i  Broadway,  New  York  City,  at  one  time. 


EASTBURN  NARRA TIVE  65 

dians  for  not  killing  him,  afking,  "  what  they 
brought  a  lame  Man  there  for,  who  could  do 
nothing  but  eat;  you  fhould,  faid  he,  have 
brought  his  Scalp ! ' '  However,  another  of  his 
Countrymen,  more  merciful  than  his  Excel 
lency,  knowing  the  poor  Prifoner  to  be  a  quiet, 
hard-working  Man,  redeemed  him  from  the 
Indians ;  and  two  other  Frenchmen  bought  his 
two  Sons:  Here  they  had  been  Slaves  more 
than  three  Years,  when  I  firfl  arrived  at  Que 
bec;  this  Account  I  had  from  Mr.  Rofs  himfelf, 
who  farther  added,  that  the  Governor  gave  the 
Indians  Prefents,  to  encourage  them  to  proceed, 
in  that  kind  of  Work,  which  is  a  Scandal  to  any 
civilized  Nation,  and  what  many  Pagans  would 
abhor!  Here  alfo,  I  faw  one  Mr.  Johnfon,  who 
was  taken  in  a  Time  of  Peace,  with  his  Wife,  and 
three  fmall  Children  (his  Wife  was  big  with  Child 
of  a  Fourth,  and  delivered  on  the  Road  to  Canada, 
which  fhe  called  Captive  *)  all  which,  had  been 
Prif oners  between  three  and  four  Years,  feveral 
young  Men,  and  his  Wife's  Sifter,  were  like  wife 
taken  Captive  with  them,  and  made  Slaves ! 

*  Parkman  refers  to  the  daughter  of  John  Smead  and  wife, 
as  a  child  that  was  named  "  Captivity  "  under  similar  circum 
stances.  The  Smeads  were  captured  when  Fort  Massachusetts 
was  destroyed  (1746).  The  child  was  born  while  they  traveled 
through  the  woods.  The  Indians  made  a  litter  of  poles  and 
deerskins,  placed  mother  and  child  on  it,  covered  them  with 
a  bearskin,  and  then  carried  them  on  their  way  to  the  settle 
ment  in  Canada. 


66  EASTS  URN  NARRA  TIVE 

Our  Cartel  being  ready,  I  obtained  Liberty  to 
go  to  England  in  her;  we  fet  Sail  the  23d  of 
July,  1757,  in  the  Morning,  and  dif charged  our 
Pilot  about  4  o' Clock  in  the  Afternoon;  after 
which,  we  neither  caft  Anchor  or  Lead,  till  we 
got  clear  of  the  great  River  St.  Lawrence,  from 
which,  I  conclude,  the  Navigation  is  much  fafer 
than  the  French  have  reported;  in  28  Days  we 
arrived  at  Plymouth,  which  occafioned  great 
Joy,  for  we  were  ragged,  lowfy,  fick,  and  in  a 
Manner,  ftarved;  and  many  of  the  Prif oners, 
who  in  all  were  about  300  in  Number,  were  fick 
of  the  Small-Pox:  My  Son  and  Self,  having 
each  a  Blanket  Coat  (which  we  bought  in  Canada 
to  keep  us  warm)  and  now  expecting  Relief, 
gave  them  to  two  poor  Tick  Men,  almoft  naked! 
But  as  we  were  not  allowed  to  go  on  Shore,  but 
removed  to  a  King's  Ship,  and  fent  to  Portf- 
mouth,  where  we  were  fhill  confined  on  board, 
near  two  Weeks,  and  then  removed  to  the  Mer 
maid,*  to  be  fent  to  Bofton;  we  now  repented 
our  well  ment,  though  rafh  Charity,  in  giving 

*  According  to  Allen's  Battles  of  the  British  Navy  the 
"Mermaid"  was  a  28-gun  frigate.  During  our  war  of  the 
Revolution  the  ' '  Mermaid ' '  fell  in  with  the  fleet  under  Count 
D'Estaing,  as  it  was  sailing  up  the  American  coast  to  attack 
General  Howe,  who  was  then  (1778)  in  Philadelphia.  The 
fleet  went  in  chase  of  the  "  Mermaid,"  and  drove  her  ashore 
on  Cape  Henlopen,  but  were  thereby  so  much  delayed  in  what 
was  already  an  overlong  passage,  that  Howe,  and  such  few 
ships  as  were  at  Philadelphia,  got  clear  of  the  Delaware. 


EA  STB  URN  NARRA  TIVE  67 

our  Coats  away,  as  we  were  not  to  get  any  more, 
all  Application  to  the  Captain  for  any  Kind  of 
Covering  being  in  vain ;  our  Joy  was  turned  into 
Sorrow,  at  the  Profpedt  of  coming  on  a  cold 
Coafl,  in  the  Beginning  of  Winter,  almoft  naked, 
which  was  not  a  little  increafed,  by  a  near  View 
of  our  Mother  Country,  the  Soil  and  Comforts  of 
which,  we  were  not  fuifered  to  touch  or  tafte  (h). 
September  the  6th,  Set  Sail  for  Boflon,  with  a 
Fleet  in  Convoy,  at  which  we  arrived  on  the 
Seventh  of  November,  in  the  Evening;  it  being 
Dark,  and  we  Strangers,  and  poor,  it  was  difficult 
to  get  a  Lodging  (I  had  no  Shoes,  and  but  Pieces 


h  On  board  the  Mermaid  Man  of  War,  being  in  a  diftreffed 
Condition,  and  hearing  little  from  the  Mouths  of  many  of  my 
Countrymen,  but  Oaths  and  Curfes  (which  much  increafed  my 
Affliction)  and  finding  it  difficult  to  get  a  retired  Place,  I  crept 
down  into  the  Hold  among  the  Water  Casks,  to  cry  to  God ; 
here  the  Lord  was  gracioufly  pleafed  to  meet  with  me,  and 
give  me  a  Senfe  of  his  fatherly  Love  and  Care;  here  he 
enabled  me  (bleffed  be  his  Name  for  ever)  to  look  back  and 
view  how  he  had  led  me,  and  guarded  me  with  a  watchful  Eye 
and  ftrong  Arm,  and  what  Pains  he  had  taken  to  wean  me 
from  an  over-love  of  time  Things,  and  make  me  content  that 
he  fhould  choofe  for  me:  Here  I  was  enabled  to  fee  his 
great  Goodnefs  in  all  my  Difappointments,  and  that  Afflictions 
were  not  Evidences  of  God's  Wrath,  but  the  Contrary,  to  all 
that  honeftly  Endeavour  to  f  eek  him  with  Faith  and  Love ;  here 
I  could  fay,  God  is  worthy  to  be  ferved,  loved,  and  obeyed, 
though  it  be  attended  with  many  Mif  eries  in  this  World ! 
What  I  have  here  mentioned,  fo  far  as  I  know  my  heart,  is 
neither  to  exalt  myfelf ,  or  offend  any  one  upon  Earth,  but  to 
glorify  God,  for  his  Goodnefs  and  Faithfulnef s  to  the  Meaneft 
of  his  Servants,  and  to  encourage  others  to  trufl  in  him ! 


68  EASTBURN  NARRA  TIVE 

of  Stockings,  and  the  Weather  in  the  mean 
Time  very  Cold)  we  were  indeed  directed  to 
a  Tavern,  but  found  cold  Entertainment  there, 
the  Mafter  of  the  Houfe  feeing  a  ragged  and 
lowfy  Company,  turned  us  out  to  Wander  in  .the 
Dark;  he  was  fufpicious  of  us,  and  feared  we 
came  from  Halifax,  where  the  Small-Pox  then 
was,  and  told  us,  he  was  ordered  not  to  receive 
fuch  as  came  from  thence:  We  foon  met  a 
young  Man,  who  faid  he  could  find  a  Lodging 
for  us,  but  ftill  detained  us  by  afking  many 
Queflions;  on  which  I  told  him  we  were  in  no 
Condition  to  Anfwer,  till  we  came  to  a  proper 
Place,  which  he  quickly  found,  where  we  were 
ufed  well;  but  as  we  were  lowfy,  could  not 
expect  Beds.  The  next  Morning,  we  made 
Application  for  Cloathing;  Mr.  Erwing,  Son-in- 
Law  to  the  late  General  Shirley,*  gave  us  Relief, 

*  William  Shirley  was  governor  of  Massachusetts  when  this 
war  began.  After  the  conference  with  Braddock  in  Virginia 
Shirley  was  placed  in  command  of  the  expedition  that  was  to 
reduce  Niagara.  At  Braddock' s  death  he  became  commander- 
ir.-chief  of  the  British  forces  in  America,  and  he  held  that 
position  at  the  time  Eastburn  was  captured.  It  was  by  his 
orders  that  Fort  Bull  was  filled  with  supplies,  though  but 
poorly  garrisoned  to  resist  a  French  invasion.  He  was  an 
earnest,  energetic,  and  capable  civil  officer,  but  was  most  un 
fortunate  in  this  war,  for  his  military  enterprises  failed,  and 
he  lost  two  sons  in  the  army.  Franklin  in  his  autobiography 
says  of  him:  "  Tho'  Shirley  was  not  a  bred  soldier,  he  was 
sensible  and  sagacious  in  himself,  and  attentive  to  good  advice 
from  others,  capable  of  forming  judicious  plans,  and  quick 
and  active  in  carrying  them  into  execution." 


EA  STB  URN  NARRA  TI VE  69 

not  only  in  refpect  of  Apparel,  but  alfo  Three 
Dollars  per  Man,  to  bear  our  Charges  to  New 
port  :  When  I  put  on  frefh  Cloaths,  I  was  feized 
with  a  cold  Fit,  which  was  followed  by  a  high 
Fever,  and  in  that  Condition  obliged  to  Travel 
on  Foot,  as  far  as  Providence,  in  our  Way  to 
Rhode-Ifland  (our  Money  not  being  fufficient  to 
hire  any  Carriage,  and  find  us  what  was  needful 
for  Support:)  In  this  Journey,  I  was  exceed 
ingly  diftreffed!  Our  Comforts  in  this  Life, 
are  often  allaved  with  Miferies,  which  are 
doubtlef s  great  Mercies  when  f uitably  improved ; 
at  Newport,  met  with  Captain  Gibbs,  and  agreed 
with  him  for  our  Paffage  to  New-York,  where 
we  arrived,  November  21  ft,  met  with  many 
Friends,  who  exprefled  much  Satisfaction  at 
our  Return,  and  treated  us  kindly,  particularly 
Meffrs.  Livingilon,  and  Waldron. 

November  26th,  1757.  Arrived  at  Philadel 
phia,  to  the  great  Joy  of  all  my  Friends,  and 
particularly  of  my  poor  afflicted  Wife  and 
Family,  who  thought  they  fhould  never  fee  me 
again,  till  we  met  beyond  the  Grave;  being 
returned,  lick  and  weak  in  Body,  and  empty- 
handed,  not  having  any  Thing  for  my  Family's 
and  my  own  Support,  feveral  humane  and  gen 
erous  Perfons,  of  different  Denominations,  in 
this  City  (without  any  Application  of  mine, 
directly  or  indirectly)  have  freely  given  feaf on- 
able  Relief;  for  which,  may  God  grant  them 


70  EA  STB  URN  NA  RRA  TI VE 

Bleffings  in  this  World,  and  in  the  World  to 
come  everlafting  Life,  for  Chrift's  fake! 

Now,  God,  in  His  great  Mercy,  hath  granted 
me  a  temporal  Salvation,  and  what  is  a  Thou- 
fand  Times  better,  he  hath  given  me  with  it,  a 
Soul-fatisfying  Evidence  of  an  eternal  in  the 
World  to  come! 

And  now,  what  fhall  I  render  to  the  Lord  for 
all  his  Benefits,  alas  I  am  nonpluft!  O  that 
Saints  and  Angels  might  praife  thee,  for  I  am 
not  worthy  to  take  thy  Name  into  my  Mouth 
any  more !  Yet  notwithftanding,  thou  art  pleafed 
to  accept  poor  Endeavours,  becaufe  Jefus  Chrift 
has  opened  the  Door,  whereby  we  may  come 
boldly  to  the  Throne  of  thy  Grace,  praifed  be 
the  Lord  God  Jehovah,  by  Men  and  Angels, 
throughout  all  Eternity ! 

But  to  haflen  to  the  Conclufion,  fuffer  me 
with  Humility  and  Sorrow  to  obferve,  that  our 
Enemies  feem  to  make  a  better  Ufe  of  a  bad 
Religion,  than  we  of  a  good  One ;  they  rife  up 
long  before  Day  in  Winter,  and  go  through  the 
Snow  in  the  coldefl  Seafons,  to  perform  their 
Devotions  in  the  Churches ;  which  when  over, 
they  return  to  be  ready  for  their  Work  as  foon 
as  Day-Light  appears :  The  Indians  are  as  zeal 
ous  in  Religion,  as  the  French,  they  oblige 
their  Children  to  pray  Morning  and  Evening, 
particularly  at  Conafadauga;  are  punctual  in 
performing  their  flated  Adts  of  Devotion  them- 


EASTB URN  NARRA  TIVE  71 

felves,  are  ftill  and  peaceable  in  their  own 
Families,  and  among  each  other  as  Neighbours ! 

When  I  compared  our  Manner  of  Living  with 
theirs,  it  made  me  fear  that  the  righteous  and 
jealous  God  (who  is  wont  to  make  Judgment 
begin  at  his  own  Houfe  firft)  was  about  to  deli 
ver  us  into  their  Hands,  to  be  feverely  punifhed 
for  our  Departure  from  him ;  how  long  has  he 
waited  for  our  Return,  O  that  we  may  there 
fore  turn  to  him,  before  his  Anger  break  out 
into  a  Flame,  and  there  be  no  Remedy ! 

Our  Cafe  appears  to  me  indeed  very  gloomy ! 
not  with  {landing  our  Enemies  are  inconfiderable 
in  Number,  compared  with  us;  yet  they  are 
united  as  one  Man,  while  we  may  be  juftly 
compared  to  a  Houfe  divided  againft  itfelf,  and 
therefore  cannot  ftand  long,  in  our  prefent 
Situation. 

May  Almighty  God,  gracioufly  incline  us  to 
look  to  him  for  DELIVERANCE,  to  repent  of 
our  Sins,  reform  our  Lives,  and  unite  in  the  vig 
orous  and  manly  Ufe  of  all  proper  Means  to  this 
End.  Amen. 

FINIS. 


INDEX 


ACADIA,  British  success  in,  14. 
Alexandria.  Va.,    intercolonial 

conference  at,  13. 
Alleghany  River,  n. 

BRADDOCK,  Gen.  Edward,  work 
of  and  defeat,  13. 

Braddock,  Pa.,  site  of  British 
defeat,  14. 

Bradley,  Capt,  kind  to  East- 
burn,  59. 

"  Britain,  Old,"  eaten  by  In 
dians,  n. 

Bull,  Ft.,  attacked  by  French, 
18-19;  described,  32. 

CANASADAUGA,  described,  42, 45. 

Captivity,  name  given  to  child 

born  a  prisoner  on  the  trail, 

65- 

Cataraqui  (Frontenac),  Ft.,  ac 
count  of,  53. 

Celoron  de  Bienville,  leads  ex 
pedition  to  Ohio,  ii. 

Contrecoeur,  Capt.,  at  forks  of 
the  Ohio,  12. 

Coquard,  Rev.,  describes  In 
dian  warfare,  15. 

Crown  Point  to  be  attacked. 
13,  17- 


DEAD  SHOUT,  an  Indian  signal, 
36. 

Detroit,  a  French  post,  n. 

Dieskau,  Baron,  beaten  at  Lake 
George,  14. 

Dinwiddie,  Gov.,  opinion  of 
traders,  10;  opposes  French 
invasion,  12;  defends  Vir 
ginia,  12,  13 ;  evil  he  foresaw, 
14. 

Dumas,  Capt.,   describes  war, 

14-15- 
Duquesne,  Ft.,  French  post  at 

forks  of  the  Ohio,  13. 
Duquesne,  Gov.,  orders  to,  14. 

EASTBURN,  Robert,  birth,  7; 
converted,  7;  as  a  trader,  9; 
to  trade  with  Indians  at  Os- 
wego,  15-16;  stories  of  fight 
in  which  captured,  16;  fol 
lows  scouting  party,  29 ;  cap 
tured  and  robbed,  30;  pre 
vents  attack  on  Ft.  Wil 
liams,  31;  at  capture  of  Ft. 
Bull,  32 ;  sufferings  on  way  to 
Canada,  33  et  seq.;  reaches 
Oswegotchie,  38;  down  the 
St.  Lawrence,  39;  ordered  to 


74 


INDEX 


dance  the  prisoners'  song 
40 ;  leaves  the  St.  Lawrence, 
41;  in  a  French  settlement 
42 ;  at  Canasadauga,  43 ;  runs 
the  gauntlet,  44 ;  adopted  into 
Indian  family  and  ordered 
to  Oswegotchie,  45;  an  In 
dian  feast  that  was  not  rel 
ished,  46;  refuses  to  go  tc 
mass,  47 ;  at  work  in  woods 
48;  sent  to  Montreal,  49, 
hears  Oswego  is  to  be  at 
tacked,  50;  describes  French 
methods  with  Indians,  51;  on 
return  to  Oswegotchie  thinks 
to  escape,  52;  at  work  forti 
fying  Oswegotchie,  plot  to 
escape  fails,  sent  to  Cohne- 
wa&°>  54;  at  work  at  trade, 
meets  Mary  Harris,  starts 
for  Montreal,  55;  when  Os 
wego  was  captured,  56; 
meets  his  son  among  the 
prisoners,  57;  describes  son's 
adventures  as  a  prisoner,  58 ; 
refused  permission  to  go  to 
Quebec,  58;  helps  prisoners 
to  escape,  60 ;  works  with  son 
for  a  French  smith,  61 ;  per 
mitted  to  go  with  son  to  Que 
bec,  escapes  from  the  In 
dians,  62-63;  describes  set 
tlements  on  way  to  Quebec, 
63;  aided  by  Col.  Peter 
Schuyler,  63-64;  sent  in  car 
tel  to  England,  66 ;  returns  to 
Boston  in  frigate  "Mermaid, " 
66-67 ;  distressful  condition, 


67-68;  relieved  by  Erwing, 
son-in-law  of  Gov.  Shirley, 
68-69;  at  New  York,  meets 
prominent  people,  69;  at 
home,  69  et  seq. 

Erie,  Pa.,  on  French  route 
to  the  Ohio,  n. 

Erwing,  Mr.,  son-in-law  of 
Gov.  Shirley,  kind  to  East- 
burn,  68. 

FRONTENAC  (Cataraqui),  Ft.,  ac 
count  of,  53. 

GRANT,  Captain,  a  prisoner, 
escapes  from  French,  62. 

HAMILTON,     Gov.,    opinion    of 

traders,  10. 
Harris,  Mary,  account  of,  55. 

JOHNSON,     Gen.     Wm.,   checks 

French,    14;    sends  force  in 

chase  of  Lery,  33. 
Johnson,    Mr.,   a  prisoner  well 

treated  by  Indians,  65. 
Jumonville,    Ensign,    attacked 

by  Washington,  12. 

LA  CHINE,  story  of,  52. 
Langlade,     Chas.,     a     French 

trader,      attacks      Pickawil- 

lany,  9,  n. 
La     Salle,     first      exploration 

mentioned,  54. 
Le  Boeuf,  French  post,  n. 
Legardeur  de  St.  Pierre,  reply 

to  Washington,  12. 
Lery,  Joseph  Chaussegros  de, 

commands  expedition  to  head 

of    Mohawk    Valley,    17-19; 

record,  32. 


INDEX 


75 


Lewis,  Francis,  account  of, 
when  taken  prisoner  at  Os- 
wego,  58. 

MERMAID,  British  frigate,  ac 
count  of,  66. 

Mohawk  River,  in  route  to  Os- 
wego,  29. 

Mohawk- Wood  Creek  carrying- 
place,  7,  17,  1 8. 

Montresor,  James,  an  engineer, 
29. 

Mount  Calvary,  mission  de 
scribed,  45. 

NECESSITY,   FORT,   captured  by 

French,  13. 
Newel,    Serjeant,     a    prisoner 

among  French,  60. 
Niagara,  to  be  attacked,  13,  17, 

OGDENSBURG,  on  site  of  Os- 
wegotchie,  18. 

Oswego,  N.Y.,  frontier  trading- 
post,  8,  29 ;  origin,  33 ;  threat 
ened,  50,  53;  captured,  56. 

Oswegotchie  (Ogdensburg), 
site  of  French  mission,  18; 
described,  38. 

PICKAWILLANY,  an  Indian  set 
tlement,  9,  ii. 

Piquet,  Abbe,  work  as  mis 
sionary,  45 ;  record,  49-50 ;  at 
Oswegotchie,  53. 

Pittsburg,  site  of  fort,  12. 

Porcupine,  as  food,  and  habits, 
35- 

Prisoners'  song,  Eastburn  re 
fuses  to  dance,  40,  44. 


QUEBEC,  mentioned,  32;  desti 
nation  of  prisoners  taken  at 
Oswego,  58;  Eastburn's  life 
at,  63  et  seq. 

RAYMOND,  commandant  on 
Maumee,  letter  on  English 
Indian  trade,  n. 

Rogers,  Maj.  Robert,  scouting 
down  Lake  George,  60. 

Rome,  N.  Y.,  at  site  of  trail 
where  Eastburn  was  captured, 
7- 

ST.  LAWRENCE  RIVER,  de 
scribed,  41. 

Schuyler,  Col.  Peter,  account 
of,  63-64. 

Seven  Years'  War,  described,  9 
et  seq.;  situation  of  French 
in  1756,  17. 

Shepherd,  Capt.,  a  prisoner,  es 
capes  from  French,  60. 

Shirley,  Gov.  William,  opposes 
French,  13;  account  of,  68. 

Smead,  John,  and  wife,  well 
treated  as  prisoners,  65. 

Stanwix,  Ft.,  location,  29. 

Stone,  Dr.,  assists  Eastburn,  59. 

TICONDEROGA,  French  post,  17. 

Traders,  Indian,  described,  8, 
10. 

Treaty,  Utrecht,  mentioned, 
10 ;  Aix-la-Chapelle,  men 
tioned,  10. 

Trent,  Wm.,  to  build  fort  at 
forks  of  the  Ohio,  12. 

VAUDREUIL,  Gov.,  plans  attacks 
on  English,  17;  receives  East- 
burn,  49;  and  the  Oneidas, 


76 


INDEX 


50-51 ;  allows  Eastburn  to  go 

to  Quebec,   62;    inhumanity 

of,  64-65. 
Venango,  Pa.,  on  French  route 

to  the  Ohio,  12. 
Villiers,    Coulon    de,    captures 

Ft.  Necessity,  13. 
WASHINGTON,  Geo.,  a  messenger 

to    the    French,    12;   attacks 

Jumonville,   12;  driven  from 

Ft.  Necessity,  13. 


Waterford,  site  of  Le  Boeuf,  n. 

William,  Ft.,  head  of  Mohawk, 
18;  described,  29. 

Williams,  Capt.  W.,  commands 
Ft.  William,  29. 

William  Henry,  Ft.,  mentioned, 
60. 

Whitefield,  Rev.  George,  de 
scribed  by  Franklin,  8. 

Wood  Creek,  in  route  to  Os- 
wego,  29. 


14  DAY  USE 

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